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And one speaker from the ^{racist, anti-semetic} Southern League, Inc. decried "brown-shirted street thugs" and warned of "mongrelized multi-culturalism."
The League, of course, celebrates an exclusively white and Christian South, flying ^under Confederate banners, putting a happy face on the politics of racist rage, ^{and in a reminder of costist class divide, represents a class step upward,}
Also in March, the Chairman of the Virginia Republican Party defended his attendance at a Confederate Flag Ceremony. "If I worried about the message, the impressions, I woudn't do anything," he said. "It's the right thing to do."
I would have wanted Coski to provide deeper examination of the escalated embrace of the Confederate flag by integration opponents after Brown v Board of Education in 1954 and during the period of massive resistance which followed.
Perhaps time and length constraints did not allow for a closer examination of the relationship between Coski's Confederate flag and the occasions where it is displayed and the reactions of those who saw it.
Central to both papers is the questions of whether symbols of the past can be seperated from the past they represent.
I would argue that they cannot, and invite this audience's attention to Driving Dixie Down: Removing the Confederate Flag from Southern State Capitols in the Yale Law Journal by James Forman, Jr.
Forman, the son and namesake of the noted civil rights activist, argues that removing the Confederate flag from state