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on election day, what part is the Negro going to play in the Presi-
dential campaign?" To answer this question at this time would be
merely a matter for conjecture, for in all fairness, it is impossible
for anyone to discuss with any degree of authority the probable
status of the colored voter in the coming campaign.

[left column]
So far, the Negro has not been seri-
ously considered for many reasons. In
the first place, the committees chosen
to conduct the respective campaigns for
the Republican and Democratic parties
are yet to perfect thorough working
organizations. As for the G. O. P.,
and their co-workers have not yet
moved into headquarters where the
heavy and important work of the com-
mittee will be transacted.

Colored Politicians Ready.

Although the Republican Campaign
Committee has not been thoroughly or-
ganized, it would be wrong to state
that colored politicians and would-be
politicians are inactive. Since the nom-
ination of Hughes they cannot be ac-
cused of "watchful waiting." They
have been meeting in New York singly,
in pairs, in groups and crowds to discuss
the best method of forming a personal
acquaintance with the G. O. P. cam-
paign funds, and while they are aware
no treasurer has been appointed or no
funds collected, yet they are convincing
Messrs. Hughes and Wilcox of their
strong belief in "preparedness."

It is said that these "preparedness"
advocates are of one mind on one sub-
ject—the location of the colored cam-
paign headquarters. It has been moved,
seconded and unanimously voted that
the headquarters shall be maintained in
New York. But whereabouts in New
York has become a mooted question.
Some prefer Harlem scenery, but each
Harlem advocate has a particular street
of his own. Then such knotty prob-
lems as securing headquarters lighted
with electricity or gas, and leasing of
a place with or without elevator serv-
ice are causing no end of discussion a
and worry.

What a striking difference in the
methods adopted by women and colored
men in playing the political game? In
New York several days ago the women
organized to promote the election of
Mr. Hughes. Upon organizing they
began to raise a fund and in little or
no time collected $25,000. The organi-
zation is to be made up of women all
over the country.

The colored politicians organize to
help Mr. Hughes, but in helping Mr.
Hughes he has to see to it that they
are financed. When he is elected who
will have the more strategic position
for future influence? Those who col-
lected their funds and worked in the
interest of Hughes or those who went
to the Republican nominee or his man-
agers for financial aid to carry on the
work of promoting his election?

Women More Aggresive

Here is another illustration of how
widely colored men and members of the
gentler sex differ in doing this po-
litically. At Chicago and St. Louis
the women were so aggresive in their
fight for suffrage that they compelled
both parties to insert a plank favorable
to female suffrage. This was done by
both parties against their will, but they
did it just the same, for they were
afraid to do otherwise.

But at Chicago, when colored men,
representing an element more powerful
than the women as voters, desired to
have a plank inserted in the G. O. P.
platform denouncing lynching, the rep-
resentatives of the large colored vote
were unable to gain their point, as most
of them were too busy "turning 'em on,"
and having a good time. The usual
method of getting this was consist-
ently adhered to, however—talking and
resolving. At the Apomattox Club, in
the midst of the jollity and oratory, a
handsome set of resolutions, evidently
for ornamental use, were adopted
against lynching, with the understand-
ing that an effort be made to get the
resolutions embodied in the G. O. P.
platform. There has been such a dif-
ference in opinion as to whether a
sincere attempt was made to win over
the makers of the platform that it is
impossible to report correctly just what
was done, except that no anti-lynching
plank appeared in the platform.

Until the nomination of Hughes,
Roosevelt was the favorite candidate of
most colored Republicans, just as he

[right column]

was four years ago. But conditions
are vastly different from four years
ago. Then the majority of Negroes
were for Roosevell, some were for Taft
and others were for Wilson. This year
you can't find a colored man favorable
to Wilson with the largest observation
glass in captivity. Even colored Dem-
ocrats who vote in goodly numbers in
such cities as New York and Chicago,
take pleasure in telling of the whole-
sale knifing in store for the Democratic
nominee, who is more cordially disliked
and distrusted by colored people than
any other President in the history of the
United States.

Four Years Ago.

Four years ago Negroes were in a
disagreeable mood, showing a most in-
dependent attitude at the polls. Hun-
dreds voted the Democratic ticket to see
what the Democrats would do if the
Negro met them half way. How Wil-
son broke his word to Bishop Walters
about treating the Negro justly, the
wholesale dismissal from office of col-
ored men and the segregation of col-
ored employees in the capital of the
United States are all painful subjects
too well known to discuss here.

Had Wilson and his Democratic fol-
lowers shown a desire to deal fairly
with the Negro a different situation
might exist. But with the present an-
tipathy of the colored man toward the
Democratic Party on National matters,
there is little likelihood of the Dem-
ocratic Campaign Committee making an
especial effort to corral colored voters.

In New York some colored voters
point to the fact that during his term
of four years as Governor, Mr. Hughes
did not appoint a single Negro to of-
fice. On the other hand, it has been
pointed out that as Associate Justice
of the United States Supreme Court,
Mr. Hughes handed down a number of
important decisions in favor of the Ne-
gro, the Oklahoma election case being
the most notable.

At this juncture it cannot be truth-
fully said that the colored voters are
enthusiastically throwing their hats in
the air for the Republican nominee,
and when Negro politicians assure Mr.
Hughes and other leaders that they may
count on colored votes, as the Negroes
are all enthusiastic for the ex-Justice,
they picture a situation which is not
true. The colored voters are disposed
to be on friendly terms with Mr.
Hughes and will be if he makes it mani-
fest that he, too, is going to be friendly,
and on a fifty-fifty basis. Just at this
time the Negro is in an optimistic
frame of mind and is hoping the stand-
ard bearer of the Republican party will
strongly profess his friendship and, if
elected, accord them similar treatment
as did Roosevelt and Taft during their
administrations.

In doubtful states, such as New York,
Ohio, Indiana, New Jersey, Missouri,
Maryland and West Virginia, where the
Negro holds the balance of power in the
various districts, his help in sending
Republicans to the United States Senate
and the House of Representatives will
be greatly needed. He will be more in
demand than ever. In the event of
Hughes' election, he would need a Re-
publican Congress to put his ideas into
effect. A Democratic Congress would
prove a big handicap.

Four years ago two-thirds of the col-
ored vote was cast for Roosevell, the
Progressive nominee for President. The
politician is ready to jump on the band-
wagon, but those who cast their vote
and are not active in polities are so far
indifferent. But to sulk and stay at
home because of old grievances against
the Republican party would be bad poli-
tics. No one has loomed up on
the political horizon at this writing who
can command the confidence of the
people, who are sick and tired of those
who professed to lead in the past. If
the Negro can get leaders in whom he
may implicitly rely he can secure con-
cessions in this campaien which should
prove to the mutual advantage of both
race and party.

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