Howitt and Fison Papers

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Merriman is at the Aboriginal Station at Tilba Tilba - Waloga Lake.Larry says that the Kurnai had certain animals, birds, fish&ctwhich were called the Thundun that is elder brothers.

His father when Larry was a small boy, say eight years of agepointing to a small birk [sic] which frequents the shores, "that is yourbudjan, do not hurt it. He has never injured one, nor would he eatit, and would be very sorry if any one did so in his presence. Thisbird is called the Blit-burring.

Larry belongs to the Malagoota Krauatun Kurnai, who are alsoclaimed by the Yuin, as of their tribe. The term Budjan is a Yuin word but is the same as the Kurnai term Thundun, as being the "totem".

Billy the Bull is a yalmerai (shark). When there are too manyabout the Lakes entrance he sends them away by singing to them. Hebelongs to Lake Bunga.

Last edit 25 days ago by ALourie
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The Kurnai have no class or subclass names andtherefore no social organisation as I use that termbut they have unmistakable indications that they[had totems and therefore - crossed out] must have had in atsome former time.

Each individual had a thundung or elderbrother, [not only in their sex totem Yürung or, - crossed out][Djütgun but also in some - crossed out] being some marsupial animal, or bird, reptile or fish. It is the [They however have no influence upon marriage - crossed out][which is regulated by kinship and local exogamy- crossed out][and survive as the merely as the elder brother and - crossed out][and also as in so far the -crossed out] protector that in[some cases such as Kangaroos + birds- crossed out] it gave[notice of - crossed out] danger, and [also -crossed out] has also invokedsongs in cases of sickness x

They [thundung - crossed out] are also spoken of as jiakor flesh as in other tribes.

The [jiak - crossed out] totem was told by a man to his son whenabout eight or nine years of age and by a womanto her daughters. [For instance a man might - crossed out]point out his totem to his son and say["see there that is your thundung; you must - crossed out][not kill it!" - crossed out]

As these names are perpetuated from fathersto sons, the daughter having also the same, descentis clearly in the male line, and they would benecessarily perpetuated in the locality to whicha man belonged. A good instance is thatof the Bunjil-baul who lived on RaymondIsland in Lake King and whose jiak was [the Gluin - crossed out] a bird the Gluin, whence their nameof Gluin-Kong, the Gluin's beak.

[The Australia - crossed out][These Thundung- crossed out][The totem and its human brother are - crossed out][These totems and their human "younger brother"- crossed out][which are younger - crossed out][brother - which are sill in the relative of- crossed out][protected + protector - they the form here the - crossed out][two classes with which we now I feel certain they- crossed out][have at one time I feel [??] [??] at where- crossed out][they preceeded - crossed out]

(1) I am much indebted to the Revd John Bulmerfurther investigating the Kurnai Thundungconfirming my own endeavours, by obtaining a[which - crossed out] of [the - crossed out] old people which abundantly establishedof male descent.

[written in left side margin]If I am correct in believing that these "thundung"were at one time[consistent with the two primary - crossed out][ class divisions - crossed out]part of a two class system thenwe have here an instanceof the peculiar[??] of these coast tribes.The totem which accordingto my view [preexisted - crossed out]preceeded the class agnate[have ended through the] still[changes - crossed out] exist, whileit has beenreplaced by rhelocal organization.

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the totems (Bai-Kain) of theKongalu tribe descend frommother to child. The [usual - crossed out] proper question ininquiring for the totem of an individual of thistribe is "ye ngundi uno bai kain"?" that is "ofwhat flesh is your totem?

While linear the descent of the totem, as well asof the class and subclass is from mother to childthat of the father is used by the male child as itsBu-in, and [that - crossed out] is the name by which it is addressedby the young people. But this is not the [personal - crossed out]group totem - which is the Bai Kain.

Here we may perhaps recognise one of the stepswhich have led to the [transfer- crossed out] introductionof male descent.

The thundung gave warning of danger to its bunang younger brotherwho had some song perculiar to himself by which he[??] his elder brother when sick. Such was thesong of [one man - crossed out] the man figured in illustration here -whose Thundung is Yalmerai or shark. The songis as follows (1) Thurwaang ngarndok - clean yourteeth, ngurka bunda [the open sea, There - crossed out][last two words mean- crossed out] Ngurk is the back of anythingas ngurka-wurka - a ridge or hill - or awide space as in this case the wider or open sea.

The Revd John Bulmer, who kindly made furtherenquiries for me, said that the term "clean your" teethrefers to the Shark's teeth which were tied to theforehead of the patient when this song was sung.

In the game of Dilk [that is ball play - crossed out] the ballwas thrown to a person of the same "Jiak" or flesh, that[otherwise the - crossed out] was of the same totem.

[written in left side margin]GirrornbahQueenslandDec 28 1895

?J Bulmer

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Table of Relationships

When there are two boys in a family the younger calls the elder "Wotherong" The elder calls the younger "Norra" The father calls them "Coo-mar" The mother calls them "Cun-nie" Two girls in a family the younger calls the elder "Yaboyu" The elder calls the younger "Nie-bar The father calls them "Nook-in" The mother calls them "Cunyau" The Uncle calls the boys "Cun-nie" The Aunt calls them "Coo-man" The Uncle calls the girls "Cun-gau" The Aunt calls them "Coo-mar." "Yaboyu" for sister & "Norra" for brother. "Baboin father "Ubung" mother "Cun-mie" Uncle "Yeroane" Aunt are the natives equivalent for our forms. These terms "Wotherong" "Norra" "Cooman" "Cunnie" &c are only used when the children are young, as a rule before they come to the age of puberty they have one or two names given them & by these are known to the [.....] the brothers, sisters generally use them except when extra affectionate or respectful The Father & Mother the same. At the age of puberty the "jin?" wears the "Yaw-bo" [...] short girdle of "opossum?" hair. The boy is allowed to put some paint on his body & later on comes his initiation at the "Yor".

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XM12_ICDMS_lowres Harry Aldridge notes

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to go to the beach or leave the camp till the elders returns. They boys played in camp for a time & then getting tired of it decided to go down to the beach where they were having great fun when the [........] (rainbow or large serpent) came out of the sea & took them two boys - as he usually does with un protected children & turned them in these two rocks. Here you "see?" - the old men used to say - the result of not paying attention to what you a re told by your elders.

Harry E. Aldridge

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I take it that all that fraternal terms are either targoona (elder brother)bubba (elder sister), mal-ber-der (younger brother) and muna-gun-na(younger sister). (7) [But - crossed out] The term authena includes the relativesof father's sister's children, and mother's brother's children. If so I [could - crossed out] can fillin the terms on ny-lu. But does for instance nuitrena include Father'sSister's son (9 + 11) or also father's sister's daughter (9 + 12)?

I have kept a copy of this letter so that all I needtrouble you to do will be to [reply to the several questions - crossed out] number your replies as I have numbered my questions.

I see that I have been under a misapprehension as towhere "Brenda" is. [My un- crossed out] I understand that it is now nearBrewarrina, but when I was at my brother in law's house latelyBothie showed me on the map where it really is, so that my remarksas to Kamilaroi + Wollaroi do not fit with the facts.Will you kindly mark in the [??] having theapproximate [??] of the Moorawuri + Guamo tribesAWH

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TongarankaThe practice of infanticide was common becausea baby was frequently too much trouble to look afterand it was often the mothers who killed it.But this was not done until the family consistedof three or four but after that too much work inhunting had to be done to keep the family infood. Another this reason was that it kept downthe population.J. W. Boultbee

MaryboroughInfanticide was practiced by leaving the child behindwhen born either in the ground or lying on a sheet of bark. But infants were not killed by violenceand no difference was made between boys + girls. This leaving behind, or deserting the newborn infantwas because of the trouble caused when a woman hadother children, and it was almost always done as regardsa girls first child. If one saw a baby within a day ortwo if its birth to have been rubbed over with red ochreand burned bark of the Bloodwood tree (E. Corymbia Smith)one could be quite sure that it was safe. Otherwise it would disappearbeing abandoned somewhere.H. E. Aldridge

WotjoChildren were killed in the old times - that is infantsNo difference was made between boys + girls or twins.Suppose that a couple had a child - either boy or girlsay ten years old - a baby being born may be killedand cooked for its elder brother or sister to eat inorder [that - crossed out] to make [its- crossed out] him or her strong by feedingon the "muscle" of the infant. In no other way- it is said - were children killed.The mother killed [a baby - crossed out] such a baby by striking its head against the shoulder of the elder brotheror sister.

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[Diagram on left of page]

[This diagram is to be read from top to bottom. It refers to kinship terms between a child, its parents, and its parent's siblings. The terms used are below and above the lines. Above is what the child calls the elder, below is what the elder calls the child.][Circled] Brother[Line leading down: above] Babak[Line leading down: below] Lutte

[Circled] Sister[Line leading down: above] Mamang[Line leading down: below] Lutte

[Circled] Father[Line leading down: above] Mungan[Line leading down: below] Lutte

[Circled] Mother[Line leading down: above] Yackun[Line leading down: below] Lutte

[Circled] Brother[Line leading down: above] Wundak[Line leading down: below] Lutte

[Circled] Sister[Line leading down: above] Yackun[Line leading down: below] Lutte

[At the source of the lines][Circled] child

next post. I have no doubt these relationships should bevery carefully collected as the informant does not always knowwhat we mean. I will therefore use the utmost care getting the required information. With our kind regards to Mrs Howitt +yourself +family

I remain faithfully yoursJohn Bulmer

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XM237_ICDMS_lowres A W Howitt Australian Group Relationships (paper)

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Anthropological Institute3 Hanover SquareLondon, W.

Kindly set for Journal

Australian Group-relationshipsbyA.W. Howitt C.M.G., D.Sc.

[written in left side margin]Dr Rose

Mr Andrew Lang remarks at p. 55 of The Secret of the Totem, "If pirrauru were primitive, it might be looked for among these southern andeastern tribes .....but in these primitive South-east tribes pirrauru isno more found than subincision....".

I do not understand what Mr Lang means by "primitive tribes", because those of the south-east who have not got pirrauru, are, accordingto my classification, advanced, in so far that they have individual marriage.

I now propose to show what I take to be good reasons, for the beliefthat those tribes did at one time have a marriage of the type of thepirrauru of the Dieri, and if so, it is an answer to Mr Lang's objection.

The noa relationship is the starting point of my explanations and tomake them as clear as possible to my readers, I shall, in the first place,enumerate the several ways in which the potential claim of a Dieri manto one or more of his noas, is given effect to.

This may be by;(a) Betrothal, (Native Tribes of South-East Australia.p.p.177-8).(b) gift of the woman (p.p. 178-9)c/. (c) the kandri ceremony (p.p. 181-2); the performance of which may be inconsequence of;(d) an agreement between two brothers to become the pirraurus of theirrespective wives. In such a case they commonly lived together in a group marriage of four (p. 181).(e) consent of the husband (p. 181).(f) a man receiving the wife of his deceased brother (p. 181).(g) allocation by the elders (p. 182).

Under all these new marital conditions, the man and the woman remain noa to each other.

I have always found a difficulty in explaining the system of Dieripirraurus marriage, to those who have no actual knowledge of the conditions.In my earlier works I endeavoured to meet it by speaking of the [??] under(a) and (b) as noa marriages, but I abandoned this, because it was ratherindefinate [sic], in so far that all the unions are noa marriages. Inmy Native Tribes of South-East Australia

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Playle

No one says or thinks in the Dieri that, as Mr Lang puts it(op.cit.p.46), she the woman 6, "collaborated in giving birth to him"the man 9, any more than we should do so, as to a stepmother. The position[on -crossed out] of 6 as to her sister's children, follows from her position as thewife of her sister's husband. The Dieri no more thinks when he appliesthe term ngandri (mother) to two women, that they have collaboratedin the birth, than we do when we apply the term "grandmother" to twoseparate women, that they have collaborated in the birth of any oneindividual.

The term ngandri as applied to both 5 and 6 carries with it a strongfeeling of kinship, which may be estimated from my remark (op.cit.p184)that " in the event of a tippa-malku wife dying a pirrauru wife willtake care of her children and attend to them with affection.

The filial terms to be considered are (m), son, brother's son, wife's sister's son, and (f), son, sister's son and husband's brother'sson.

The man 9 is the son of 1, and 11 of 2, but 9 is also the son of 2,therefor [sic] the term son also includes (m) brother's son, and as 9 isson of the sister of 6, the wife of 2, this term also includes (m) wife'ssister's son.

Taking 5 as the example of (f) son, sister's son and husband's brother's son, the same line of argument will show that those relation--ships, as we reckon them, are all included in the one term "son".

There are in the Dieri language three fraternal terms, neyi, elder brother, kaku elder sister, and ngatata younger brother or sister.As one term will suffice, to illustrate the inter-relations of all,I shall select neyi.

The man 9 is the son of his joint fathers 1 and 2, so is 11 andhaving the same father they are brothers, one of them being the elder. (1)Similarly, as 11 is the son of his joint ngandri 5 and 6, who are alsothe mothers of 9, he and 11 are brothers. I must point out, however~ strange it may appear to us, that a man's younger brother may be older than himself, under the conditions I have explained.

How strong and real this fraternal bond may be, can be estimated by the case which I recorded (op.cit.p.237), where an elder brother sufferedthe death penalty stoically, at the hands of a pinya for a blood-feudincurred by evil magic, attributed to his ngatata or younger brother.

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------(1) It is noteworthy in this respect that in the Bingbinga tribe pappa includes elder brother and also father's elder brother's son, while pappaia includes younger brother andalso father's younger brother's son. 111

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local groups which are exogamous and intermarrying under a definitelocal arrangement (op.cit.p.p. 76, 272).The former diagram, with certain provisos will serve to illustratethe marriage rite and relationship terms of the Kurnai, as well asthose of the Dieri.I assume that the men 1 and 2 are brothers belonging to a certain local group, which may be called "x", and that the women 5 and 6are sisters, belonging to another local group "y". The two groups areexogamous and intermarry. I further assume that, as was a common prac-tice with the Kurnai, the two men 1 and 2 agreed to elope at the same time with the women 5 and 6, having done so, 1 became thehusband of 5 and 2 of 6, 9 being the son of 1 and 5, and 11 of 2 and 6.There is individual marriage in the Kurnai tribe, and 1 is theindividual husband (bra) of 5, yet 2 the brother of 1 is also the bra of 5, although there are no marital relations between them. Theman 2 is the (f), sister's husband of 5. Similarly it may be seen thatthe term maian (wife), includes also "wife's sister" and "(m), broth-er's wife".The parental term mungan (father) is applied by 9 to 1, the individualhusband of his mother 5, but it is also applied by him to 2 his fath-er's brother, between whom and 5 there are no actual marital relations.Moreover it also includes "mother's sister's husband", that is theman 2.The term yukan (mother) is applied by 9 to his mother 5, andalso to her sister 6, the titular wife of his father.The filial term "lit" (child), is applied by 1 to 9, by 2 histitular father, by 5 his actual mother, by 6 his titular mother,and they follow correctly the premises of the parental terms.The term thundung (elder brother), is taken as an example ofall the fraternal terms. Assuming that the man 1 is the elder,then 9 is the elder brother of 22, they having the same fathers,the men [..] and [..], and also because 5 and 6 are their mothers, ownand titular.I think that anyone who approaches this subject with an openmind and free from bias, will agree with me that the marital,parental, filial and fraternal terms of relationship of the Dieridefine the conditions of pirrauru marriage. These terms are quite

Last edit 9 months ago by Margaret T. Newman
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[written in pencil at the top of the page]Hart

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To this may be added that the Dieri betrothal was an encroach-ment upon pirrauru, [as the latter was a restriction of the much wider- crossed out][range of group marriage, under the noa relationship - crossed out]

The practice of betrothal and that of giving a woman to a certainman, who had rendered some signal service to the kindred, for instanceby preventing blood revenge, or by holding the body at the burialceremony, must have tended towards a feeling of proprietory right inthe man, over the woman so given. The practices of betrothal and giftare therefore early stages in the social advance and must be takeninto account in considering the general advance in Australian tribes.

The accompaning [sic] table shows my evidence as to betrothal andalthough not so complete as I could wish, certain conclusions may bedrawn from it.

Taking the Dieri as the starting point, the advance has been fromthe power of the mother and her brothers, to dispose of her daugh-ter, to that of the mother and father; then to the father and in somecases to his elder brother. These social changes have, speaking broadly,led to the establishment of individual marriage, descent in the maleline and an organisation, in some tribes upon locality alone.

It must be added, that no two tribes are at the same levelin advance, but that one has reached a certain point, while anotheris either behind or beyond it. It is evident therefore, that neitherthe primitive nor the advanced position of any tribe can be deter--mined unless all the factors are considered. It is only justifiableto restrict the investigation, where it is intended to determine whether a tribe is or is not advanced further than another, for [instance - crossed out]instance as to marriage, ceremonies, or beliefs.

When writing my Native Tribes of South East Australia I consideredthe possibility of the system of pirrauru having resulted from thedevelopment of an advance, from an earlier form of promiscuity. 177

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[Upside down at top of page]- 205 - 9 Sunday - White Sunday - 160

As a comparison with the [Legend- crossed out] beliefs in the Mura-mura[of the Lake Eyre tribe - crossed out]. I know of no better example than thoseof the [Kurnai - crossed out] Kulin and Kurnai tribes of Victoria.A numbers legends [sic] have been published by different authors takenfrom their folk lore (1) [and of the - crossed out] of which I note [versions which - crossed out] several different versions (1)[I collected myself and which have been from - crossed out] from Woeworung + Kurnai narrators collected originally myselfAs the Kurnai were an offshoot from the Kulin stock, theexplanation which I am able to suggest as to the legends of the

[Upside down]- 806 - 8 Saturday - 169

former may be applied to the analagous legends of the latter.

[I have - crossed out] legends [relating to- crossed out] [I have not been able to learn of the ceremonies suppose to be - crossed out] [few - crossed out], I am [??] of any beliefs or legends relating to theinitiation ceremonies of the Kulin, and the reason may be thatthose ceremonies [were many that- crossed out] did not have the sand or [??] characterof the Bora at the Kuringal. But with the Kurnai there wasan legend [sic] relating to the Jeraeil. As to [the number - crossed out] legends recording[the - crossed out] wanderings they also are few, those relating to the sky-countryare more numerous, but in most of these [relate to the actions - crossed out]the actors are [anoth - crossed out] beings who combine the human andthe animal element.

A few instances will illustrate these several classes.of which I have quoted from the work of my daughter in the Folkloreand legends of some Victorian Tribes (1) - [The other instances are - crossed out]The Wotjoballuk legend - see reverse ofThe Kurnai legend relating to the [Init- crossed out] Jeraeil ceremony is the

(quote here)

The Woeworung legend of Lohän is that he when he was [baking eels- crossed out] cooking eelsat the Yarra River a Swan's feather was carried by the south [wind - crossed out] breezeand fell on his breast. Walking in that direction he at length reached[the sea the - crossed out] Westernport Bay where the Swan [was - crossed out] lived. There he remained until they migrated Eastward, when he followed them, and at last came to Corner Inletwhere he made his home in the mountains of Wilsons promontory, watching overthe welfare of the people who followed him south to the country he had found (2)Another legend relates to the [early - crossed out] wanderings of the [ancestors - crossed out]Kurnai predecessors. Bunjil Borun the first Kurnai marched acrossapproched from the north west until he reached the sea at the Inletswhere Port Albert now is. On his head he carried his canoe in which washis wife Tūk. Bunjil Borun is the Pelican & Tūk the musk duck.

Upside down 206 - 6 Saturday - 157(see over)

[written at top of page]and the Alcharinga ancestorsof the Arunta

[written in left margin]1. ThomasBrough SmythDawsonLangloh Parker

A legend of the Wotjo tribe gives an account of the wanderings of the two Brambramgals [who were the - crossed out] in search of their sister's son Doän(the flying squirrel) who had been killed and eaten by Wembulin (tarantula); [afterwards they - crossed out] and [went - crossed out] afterwards further meeting with various adventures and naming these places where theyoccurred, until the younger of the brothers died. [The elder brother + their mother sought for him - crossed out] Theere was elder 'shaped' part of a tree [??] the form of a man and by his magic it became alive + called him elder brother United once more the Brambramgals travelled far to the west where they lived in a cavern, but no one knows where they have gone (p. )

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These beliefs in the customs of the human [?] [crossed out - self concsious,is the [??] to the [??] ] of eachafter death I have found them very wide spread, [?] by unusual, any the [Australian?] native tribes. The

[Left hand marign - [Yauth?] or Yuntbri?]]

Murup - a [?] - - - [is? or?] whether he may claim to [??], clearly represents during life the self consciousnessof the individual. The apparent ability of this self consciousness to leave the body during sleep from time, lends up naturally to a further belief that death is surely its permanent separation from the body. Moreover in during dreams the "ghosts" of others who were dead were apparently perceived the belief is natural but the individual still exists after death, although generally invisible to the living. This was brought out very clearly to me by the argument of one of the Kurnai, whom I asked whether he really thought his Yambo could " go out" during sleep. He said "This must be so, for when I sleep I go to distant places, I see distant people; I never see and speak with those that are dead."

[Crossed out - such beliefs are thus explained]

[Faint text] Out of the southern parts they speak of the tribe to [crossed out - must be] speak of the dead but the [??] of the [??] there being individual might be [??] to [??]

[Underlined]

Out of this arises the belief in ghosts, [crossed out - in] where [crossed out - such] abiding place may be in the earth so [crossed out - legend the] in the sky country.

There [crossed out - into] [??] appear to live a life much as do the [dead?] below in time of peace are [crossed out - which] hunting, feasting and festive gatherings. This would necessary require the presence of the elders and any therefore of ones who are these tribe in earth would be the "great one" - "or guest man" [crossed out - that in the] the Biambau of the [word crossed out] tribe (p).

Such a one is evidently [crossed out - the Mungsn] pictured in all the series from [Nurete?] to Baiame.

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[Left margin note next to para one](1) Yemun = sleepyemun-urra = snoring

It is believed tah a man's murup could leave him during sleep, and the exact period of departure is fixed as being when the sleeper snored (1). But the murup might be sent away if the individual by means of evil [woke?]. For instance when a hunter out alone in ?? went to sleep in the open at a distance from the camp and then fell a victim to a hostile medicine man. Then belief in the [temporary?] departure of the human [crossed out - spirit] [word crossed out] murup during sleep, still survive in the last of the Kulin after a almost a lifetime of combat with the whiteman and his elders.

Berak explained to me about this matter as follows "when I sleep and snore my murup goes away sometimes to the [Tharan galk bek?], but I cannot get into it and come back. It can talk with other murup for instance my fathers and others who are dead:

[Left margin note with next paragraph]Insert at p5.[??] [??] [??]look them up

This statement was [para?] by that of one of the Kurnai who in speaking to me of dreama said "When I sleep I go to other places, I see people there that I know and others that I have not seen before, I even see those that are dead." -

A good instance of Berak/Berak's belief in the supernatural of [crossed out - their murup dreams] a man's murup for himself during sleep is an

account he gave me, [??] [??] ago of what happened when he and his comrades returned from taking his sick sonto the Melbourne Hospital, when

in fact he shortly after died. [crossed out - He said] I note down his statement at the time as follows. "We had been crying about him all the evening after we returned and then my friend went to sleep. When he woke he said "I saw that poor fellow, he was here and he

said to me "Stand there". There were two strings hanging down and he said to me we will go up them, and will be afraid, you will not fall down! I climbed up after him and we came to a hole, where a lot of people were

Last edit 25 days ago by Christine

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Ego being male I am noa-maraato:

elder brother'sMy mother's mother's { } daughter's daughteryounger brother's

elder sister'sMy mother's father { } daughter's daughteryounger sister's

II

Ego being female, I am noa to:

elder brother'sMy mother's mother's { } daughter's sonyounger brother's

elder sister'sMy mother's father { } daughter's son.younger sister's

In stating this rule of the noa relation, I must again point out that Ego is not an individual, but is primarily a groupm the indivi-dual merely taking the relationship as being one of it.

In Part B.I. of the same table the same series of kami andnoa relations, occur as in part A, being merely a continuation of the generations show in it, which under the nadada-noa practice are removed back into a level of a generation to which their respectivegrand parents belonged, and whose younger brothers and sisters theytherefore become.

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In the Kurnai tribe age was held in revenge, and a mans authorityincreased with his age. If he even, without being aged, had naturally intel-ligence, cunning, bravery beyond his fellow, he might become a man ofnote, weighty in council and a leader in war, but such a case was excep-tional and as a rule authority and age went together. the authority belong-ing to age also attached to certain women, who had gained the confidenceof their tribes people. Such women werre consulted by the men and had greatweight and authority in the tribe. I knew two of them who were elderlywomen at the time when the country was settled, and who therefore, and wor-thily, represented the promitive conditions of their tribe. Together withthe old men they were the depositories of the tribal legends and customs and they kept alive the stringent marriage rules to which I have referredelsewhere (p ). Thus they influenced public opinion very strongly.

When Gippsland was setled in 1842, there were twpo principalHeadmen who were recognised as their "Gweraeil-kurnai'' Great-men. One lived in the northern and the other in the souther part of thedistrict. These men were the recognised leadsers in peace and war of thenorthern and southern divisions into whichthe tribe hed naturally fall-en through locality and language. There were also Gweraeil-kurnai inthe local divisions of the tribe, and it is significant thatsome of these men gave their names to the divisions of which they were the Headmen. (p )

How a man gradually increased in influence by reason of years,is shown by the case of the last Gweraeil-kurnai of the Kurnai.He was the man Bunbra whom I shall refer to in speaking of the expia-tory combats later on in this question. I have watched this mans careerwith interest during many years. Since the time of that expiat(?????)the old men who successively were the leaders of the tribespeople, dieduntil Bunbra became the oldest man left. The common name by whichapart from his English name he was known was Jetbolan that is the Liarbut by reason of age hebecame the Gweraeil-kurnai, . During the same timetulaba the tribal son of the former Gweraeil-kurnaiBruthen-munji, hadalso grown into age, and consideration attachedto him in his twofoldcharacter, as one of theelders, and as being a worthy son of the formerrenowned Headman. During this time the pressure of our civilisation hadbroken down the tribal organisation, the vices of the whitemen which theKurnai had acquired, had killed off a great number of them, the rem-nant had been gathered into the missions and only a few still wanderedover their ancestralhunting grounds leaing in some measure their oldlives, and having apparently abandoned their tribal customs. When how-ever it was decided, as I have mentioned in chapter (p ), that the

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At the Jeraeil ceremonies he was the leader, and it was main-ly his voice which decided questions discussed at the meetings of theinitiated men which were held. when during the ceremonies two of thenovices were brought before the old men, by their guardians, charged withhaving broken some of the ceremonail rules, it was Bunbra who spoke lasthis directionsas to them were obyed.

In the olden times the Gweraeil-kurnai, or as I have almostliterally translated the term, the Headman took an active part togetherwith the other old men, in dealing with breaches of their moral code,for instance unlawful, that is incestuous marriages, which were punishedwith death.

In each clan of the Chepara tribe there was a Headman calledKulumba-mutta that is Greatman,, and in the Chepara clan itself the Kalumbra-mitta was superior to all the others.

The office of Headman descended to the son, if no son thento a daughters son, and failing this, the brother of the deceasedKulumbra-mitta received the authority. If a headman became incapacitated,or for some other reason did not fill his office satisfactorily, thenthe old men would set him aside and select some one of the obove mentionedin jis place. The medicineman Bagerum (p ) did not become Headman

These instances which extended over a considerable part of theEastern part of the continent,are taken either from my own observationof rom the staements of competent correspondents, and show that in these tribes (which I have taken as illustrations - crossed out) there were menrecognised as having a conrol over the tribes people, whose orders were obeyed, and who received designationswhich in some cases may be translated "elder" or "great one". These ins-tances justify the conclusion that similar Headman existed in other tribes(in the parts of Australia, and in fact their existence generally -crossed out) in south/eastern Australia. No doubt that in some tribes their power and authoritywere better established than in others, while in certain tribes there wasa tendency for the office of headman to be transmitted from father toson. (?????????????????????????????????????????????????????????)so if the latter were worthy.Simply as a question of terminology it is well to avoid the use of the__________________________________________________________________

(2) A.L.P. Cameron( ) John B. Bribble (These 3 names crossed out)(3) John B. Gribble

(1) J. B. Gribble

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ly his voice which decided questions discussed at the meetings of theinitiated men which were held. when during the ceremonies two of thenovices were brought before the old men, by their guardians, charged withhaving broken some of the ceremonail rules, it was Bunbra who spoke lasthis directionsas to them were obyed.

In the olden times the Gweraeil-kurnai, or as I have almostliterally translated the term, the Headman took an active part togetherwith the other old men, in dealing with breaches of their moral code,for instance unlawful, that is incestuous marriages, which were punishedwith death.

In each clan of the Chepara tribe there was a Headman calledKulumba-mutta that is Greatman,, and in the Chepara clan itself the Kalumbra-mutta was superior to all the others.

The office of Headman descended to the son, if no son thento a daughters son, and failing this, the brother of the deceasedKulumbra-mitta received the authority. If a headman became incapacitated,or for some other reason did not fill his office satisfactorily, thenthe old men would set him aside and select some one of the obove mentionedin jis place. The medicineman Bagerum (p ) did not become Headman

These instances which extended over a considerable part of theEastern part of the continent,are taken either from my own observationof rom the staements of competent correspondents, and show that in these tribes (which I have taken as illustrations - crossed out) there were menrecognised as having a conrol over the tribes people, whose orders were obeyed, and who received designationswhich in some cases may be translated "elder" or "great one". These ins-tances justify the conclusion that similar Headman existed in other tribes(in the parts of Australia, and in fact their existence generally -crossed out) in south/eastern Australia. No doubt that in some tribes their power and authoritywere better established than in others, while in certain tribes there wasa tendency for the office of headman to be transmitted from father toson. (?????????????????????????????????????????????????????????)so if the latter were worthy.Simply as a question of terminology it is well to avoid the use of the__________________________________________________________________

(2) A.L.P. Cameron( ) John B. Bribble (These 3 names crossed out)(3) John B. Gribble

(1) J. B. Gribble

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tribal council, or the secrets of the initiation ceremonies to women orthe uninitiated. (1)

Offences against the moral code would be intercourse witha woman of the murdu, or who was too nearly related to the accused (p )Interference with the wife of another man would be merely a matter tobe revenged by the injured husband or by kindred, by a fight.

My own experience is much in line with the statements of Mr.Gason as to the Dieri. It was only after I became one of initiated (???) thatI was present at councils of the old men at a place apart from the generalcamp, at which matters of tribal moment were discussed.The place where these meetings are held is called "jun" by the Wotjo-balluk. (????) (and "Katir-than" by the Coast Muring. The way they are announcedto the men may be as (??) by the principal man there picking up a light-ted stick from his fire and looking round at the other men beforewalking off to the place of meeting.

In the Tongaranka tribe one of the Itchumundi nation, authoritywas in the hands of the Headman and the eldermen who have much to sayin the management of affairs, such as the allotment of wives,festive meetings, ceremonies for making rain, and such like. (2) (???)

It is said that in the Karumundi nation there were no Headmen but when anything important had to be decided all the initiatedmen gathere together and decided what was to be done. (3)

In the Wumbaio tribe a Headman must have age, personal prowess,talents as a leader, and talking powers. If a man had magical powers, hemight be feared, but he would not be thereby a Headman. In one of the tribalcouncils the old men spoke first, after them younger men then the old mendirected what should be done. There were also meetings of the wholecommunity who might be camped together. At a (tribal) meeting of that kindall the men sat in a circle at some place near the camp. The old men and the young men were mixed. Most carried something in theirhands such as a club. On such an occasion which occurred about the year1850, one of the oldestmen named "Pelican" went into the ring with spearand shield. He exhibited an imaginary combat, (fight) - (crossed out) (???)to explain to the young men how to fight. This old man had not anyspecial claim to authority, except that he was old and skilful infighting. At times, in the evening and old man might rise up in his campholding his spear in his hand, or some other weapon, make an oration onsome subject. Once when they feared another tribe might come up against

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Among the Kamilaro the oldest Headman would be the chief of a council of the elders, and he could carry any measure by his own voice. Alldisputes were settled by the headman. In the olden time a whiteman couldnot be marked off for death but by their vooices. such a Headman had suthor-ity in his local division of the tribe, but not ahead of his totem. (3)

[The elder men of the clan in the Chepara tribe formed a council- crossed out][which acted with the Headman. In momentous proceedings such as the Bora- crossed out][(1) Mr. J. Gribble -crossed out] All important matters were settled by the council [(2) Mr. Augustus Hook - crossed out] of the Great, or Head men. A meeting would be held(3) Mr. C. Naseby at which an orator, boomerang in handwould expatiate on the rights rites and customs of the tribes.

In the Wiradjuri tribes there is an assembly of the initiatemen at which the Headmen decide matters and decide what is to be done.Such matters are for instance disputes with other tribes, dealing withtribal offenders, and suchlike. In cases of abduction of women, adulteryor murder and the offender has escaped to his own local division orto a neighbouring tribe, the course is as follows. If the Headmen decidethat he's to be killed, the people with whome he has taken refuge,are required, by messanger to give him up. If they refuse to do so thereis a fight between them. If in this the offened tribe is routedno more is done, but the offender is always in danger of being killed ifpossible. J. Gribble

As to the Turribul tribe my valued correspondent tells me that"There was no regular council, but the old men met and consulted as tosuch matters as hunting or fighting, or the death of any person. Theysent out messengers when the time for making "kippers" came round, orwhen the Mullet came in or the Bunya-bunya fruit was ripe". That whichhe describes is the council of which I speak, and it falls in with otherinstances. In speaking of the "Bunya tribe"he also syas that when thecouncil of old men has met and decided on holding a Bunya fiest, theysent out two messengers to friendly tribes, and the messengers were twomedicienemen.

In the tribes within a radius of about fifty miles of Maryborough the old men pretty well made up their minds, as to the courseto be followed, inany matter, by having afternoon meetings held inprivate a little away from the camp, women and young men not daring toapproach within hearing. Those of the old men who choose attend such sectcouncils, and in the evening standing in their camps, the old men orateon the subject, some of them making fine speeches.

The old men governed the tribe, but also consulted the peopleon matters which had to be decided. Thus the old men would stand in the

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In the Gringai tribal the tribal council consists of the oldestand as a rule of the most intelligent men. Mr. A. Hook once came suddenlyupon a group of old men, sitting in a circle in deeep deliberation, and was told by one of them in a whisper, not to tell the other blacks whathe had seen. ( I) Augustus Hook.

The elder men of the clan in the Chepara tribe formed a coucnilwhich acted with the Headman. In momentous proceedings such as the Borathey were all subordinate to the Headman of the Chepara clan.carried out.Such then are the powers that govern the tribe, and I shallnow show what is the punishment for offences against the tribal cus-toms, and for offences against the individual, and how that punishment is

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The account of the fight at Bushy Park, shows some of the featuresof the expiatory fights, held to clear a person suspected ofhomicide by evul magic, called by the Kurnai Nungi-nungit.

When a man has been called on to appear and submit to an ordealof weapons for some death which he is supposed to ahve caused by magic,for instance a Bulk, Nurriwun, or Barn (p ), he is attended by his kindred, andby that branch of the tribe to which he belongs. he is called Wait-jurk (1)and the aggrieved person, that is on of the men (?) (?) (?) is called Nungi-nungitwhich however also is applied to all his kindred who take part in the ordeal. They are also supplied by their section of the tribe.

The proceeding are very much controlled by the elder men,who act however under the ancient traditions, that is as they would saythey do "as their fathers did". An open and level piece of groundis chosen, for the meeting. the two bodies of people assemble, facing eachother and some two hundred yards apart. The aggressor whois as I have said called Wait-jurk, stands out in advance of hisparty, and is painted with pipeclay, signifying that he has killed someone. According to the occasion anad to the rules laid down by the old menhe is armed with ashield only or with a shield and a bundle of spears.Some men present themselves to their adversaries dancing and twirlingtheir shields in a defiant manner, others crouch down. Besides the Wait-jurk stands his wifeif he has one, with her Yamstick to help in turning aside or breakingthe weapons discharged at him, and at one side of the ground the womenare seated beating their rugs in measured time. the body of people stabdbehind the women with the old men at hand to direct andwatch the proceedings. At a distance of some two hundred yards crouch theaggrieve, who may be very numerous including the widely ramifyingrelationships. These men are painted with redochre, as signifying theirintention of revengin their kinsmans death. Each man is armed with his

(I) This word may be translated as "murdered"

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Chapter V Tribal Governments

a) Headmenb) council of Initiated menc) council of Elders (Headmen)d) Government of the Tribee) [??]f) ordeal of battle

offencesa) against the tribesb) against the [??]

[written at the top of the page]1st draught [sic] put awayWrite Mr W. Scott Aust. Joint Stock Bank

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(A p4)but he was not a warrior, an orator or a medicine man and had therefore little or no influence in the tribe beyond his own totem. This is an instance of a man who by reason of ties are [?] the Head of his totem, but was not a Headman. B follows here for reverse p 4. [underlined]

[New section]

(C - p4)He was greatly respected and feared by his own and ['the' crossed out] by the neighbouring tribes. Neither his brothers, both of them inferior to him in bravery and oratorial power, nor the elder men presumed to interfere with his will, or to dictate to the tribe except in minor matters. It was he who decided disputes and his decisions were received without appeal. Even the (1)neighbouring tribes sent messengers to him, with presents of bags, [pitcheri]] (1), red ochre, skins and other things. He decided when and where the tribal ceremonies should be held and his messengers called to gather the people from a radius of a hundred miles to attend['these' crossed out] them, or the great Mindarie ceremony, or to meet in other inter tribal matters. (see p-)

He had wonderful oratorial powers, making his hearers believe any thing he told them and to be always ['to' crossed out] ready to execute his commands. He was not by nature cruel or treacherous as were many of the Dieri, and when not excited was considerate, patient and very hospitable. No one spoke ill of all [advice? or alive?] & [unanimous?] but in the contrary with respect and reverence.

This is understood when as Mr Gason/Samuel Gason sayshe distributed presents ['given to him' crossed out] sent to him among his friends, to prevent jealousy. And he used to interfere to stop disputes or fights, even chastising the offender ['himself' crossed out] and being himself not infrequently wounded in so doing. On such an occasion there would be greater lamentations and the person who had inflicted the would upon him would be not infrequently beaten.

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They tracked him and following the kangaroos track they saw a sugar ant (mara) - Looking at him they saw a hair of Doans head one ant after another. The youngest of the two Bram-bramgul - who were very clever men - (Bram-mun+ sneak - I) burst into tears. [?They?] followed the ants - the older one told him not to cry. They followed to where they found the ants with a piece of flesh + brains of Doan. They then found the places where the trees were all cut down by Wienbullen and found blood, and following on further found Weinbullen's camp - but no one was there.

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Hearing a noise like knocking a hollow tree - it was the two girls pounding a seed of the Honeysuckle tree (Birgalk- the seed is "garng"). They then saw Wimbullin at the camp. The oldest Bram bramgul told his brother to go where the wind would blow his smell to Wimbullen. The oldest brother seeing the teeth of Wimbullen shining out of the camp as he was coming out to get the younger Bram+c The elder hit him + broke his teeth and both Brams killed him. The girls came up and the younger wanted to kill them

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INSTITUTION ETHNOGRAPHIQUE DE PARIS I.E. DELEGUE CORRESPONDANT A FIJI Institution Ethnographique Delegation De Fiji Australie

Fiji

The Present State of Australia\by Robert Dawson, Late Chief Agent of the Australian Agricultural Co. London, Smith and Elder 1830 ---------------------------------------------------------------- Note Dawson was evidently a true friend to the Aborigines. He seems to have understood them to have been throughly interested in them, to have gained their confidence. This [?], as far as he saw them, seem to be [?] trustworthy See pp 20 21

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XM226_ICDMS_lowres Howitt to Andrew Lang 1 September 1902

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sisters. Then comes the rule (in the Urabunna at Lake Eyre) thatthe proper wife for a man is the daughter of his mother's elder brother'sdaughter, or his father's elder sister's daughter, which is the samething. In the Dieri tribe on the opposite side of Lake Eyre, the prop-er wife for a man is the daughter of his mother's, mother's, beother's [sic],daughter - daughter or of his mother's, father's, sister's daughter's daughter, which is the same thing. You will observe that the Urabun-na marriage is not allowed, but it is allowed to the children in thein the generation who are thus born "noa" to each other.In tracing out this principle in other tribes I find that in all thereis the same idea, namely to prevent marriage between those who as theysay are "too near in flesh" - or "of the same flesh". For instance inone tribe the children of a brother on the one side and of his sister on the other are prohibited, for the above reason, from marriage as faras descent can be traced. in another tribe it is only permitted if theparties come from distant localities. In other tribes the rule liesbetween the Urabunna practice and absolute prohibition to their des-cendants.

Now the process of development of the eight sub-class system, outof the four sub-class system isin process of completion in a tribe de-scribed by Spencer and Gillen, by specific new names being given to thenew segments. All the changes in the classes, their segmentation toeight sub-classes, and their gradual extinction in the otherand the transferrence of the exogamous rule to localities, have beencarried out since the first bissection of the original community firstestablished exogamy.

Quite So

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MarriageTaking Bebejern as an instanceand his Brother Jack [no chief?] thena son of [ Berak inserted ]father and daughter of latter arebrother and sister. Berak and the daughters of his fathers sister are notbrother + sister but are so "near toeach other" that they cant marry-nor could their children marry as faras the relationship could be [placed - crossed out] traced.

If William wanted a wife he would knowto get one from some distant place andnot being related to him.

If Bebejern had a daughter aboutthe age of puberty he would look roundfor a suitable husband for her. Someyoung man say of the Goulburn tribebeing the opposite class name.Having found one he must make it knownto his friends i.e. the other old menAnd in this arrangement - the girl'sbrother had no part - [fr - crossed out] but the son of her father's elder brother would

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exchange her for the sister of the chosen lubra with the bride's elder tribalbrother - i.e. the [elder brother - crossed out] son of herfather's elder brother.

If she eloped say with a Geelongman before marriage her fatherwould not go after himself but wouldsend some young men i.e. her brothers- especially that one who had exchangedher in present. If caught the

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(circular)Terms of RelationshipIn the language of the Kiaburra (Eagle Hawk) tribeascertained by J. Brooke native word for my

The object of this inquiry is to ascertain the specific terms of relationshipin the native language by which each person would indicate the other or addressthem. To effect this a good plan is to arrange before the native informantsticks or any other convenient objects in the order marked in the diagram,explaining that these objects represent certain persons. It will be foundadvantageous to construct the diagram by this means little by little,ascertaining the first term before proceeding to the others. As eachterm is ascertained it can be marked down in its place on the following list.Example. Having placed two sticks end to end, thus ___1_____ _____4_____explain to the native Nos. 1 and 4 represent two brothers, of whom No 1 is the elder. Then ask him "What does No 1 call No 4" (i.e. by what term ofkinship does he address him). Supposing the native to be of Gippsland hewill answer "Bramung". Insert "Bramung" opposte to "No 1 calls No 4and ask "What does No 4 call No 1?" The answer will be "Tundung".Insert "Tundung" opposite No 4 calls No, 1. Then rearrange the sticksfor further inquiry. If all the numbers given cannot be ascertained,insert those which are procurable; they cannot fail to be of value.

Due honor will be given to all who help in the inquiry when theresults are published. Please return this sheet when filled up to A W Howitt Sale Victoria

[diagram]1M 2F 3F 4M5F 6M 7M 8F9M 10F 19M 20F 21M 22F 17M 18F13M 14F 15M 16F 25M 26M

Explanation of the Diagram M signifies Male, F signifies Female; the personsindicated in the diagram are arranged in the order of seniority and descentThus No 1 is the elder brother of 2, 3 and 4. No 3 is the younger sister of 2 and the eldersister of 4. No 9 is the elder brother of 10, No 1 is the husband of 5 andtheir children are 9 and 10. No 10 is the wife of 12 and their children are 15 and 16.

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