Howitt and Fison Papers

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[Note on angle at top reads]Lettersent -askingMiss Bensonto make the [??]12/7/06(8)

(1) Is there in the Morrawari or Guama tribe any practiceof "betrothal" that is the promising of a girl, perhaps when an infant, to some boy or man?(2) This leads up to a question to which I have been trying to find a reply for a long time past. Which taking your informant "Combo" - (or as I wrote the name Kumbo) - as an example of all the "Matha" women, his contemporaries, would it be lawful for him to have as his wife? (3) I can best explain this by a diagram showing the "marriage rule" of another tribe - the Dieri of Central Australia

1. (m) Matteri 2. (m) Kararu3. (f) Kararu 4. (m) Matteri

In this tribe there are only two classes - Matteri and Kararu, and you will [remember - crossed out] see that in my Kamilaroi diagram [I should - crossed out] (which I return)(1) that there are also two classes Delbi and Kupathen. Now I believe that Matteri is the equal of Delbi and Kararu of Kupathen(3) Now - just as Delbi marries Kupathen and vice versa so Matteri andKararu intermarry. The marriage rule of the Dieri [is that - crossed out] shown by (4) the above diagram. 1 and 4 are brother and sister, so are 2 and 3 and (2) in this tribe a marriage is almost always accompanied by an exchange of a sisterfor a wife. Thus 1 marries 3 the sister of 2 who marries the sister of 1. [As - crossed out] In this tribe as in the Murrawari the child takes the

Last edit 27 days ago by ALourie
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3I am quite certain that this is the same with the Moorawari - but the question is what is the rule of regulation the marriage for instance of Kombu- with Matha?

A diagram like that just explained would be as under1. Kombu 2. Muri3. Matha 4. Butha

As the children of #1 and those of his brother (who is not shown in this diagram) are brother + sisterand as the children of 2 + his brother and brother + sister - and asthe same - it is evident that the only line of descent is whatwe can search from a rule is that given above - name thechildren of a man on the one side + of his sister on the other.

Please to consider this and if you care to take in handwill may be perhaps a tough problem [I will then suggest what - crossed out][seem to be the best plan to follow. In the present I think feel - crossed out][that I have set you a task in the above which will - crossed out][must quite ?? you in saying that you in ??- crossed out]then the way I should attack is by Developing atable of the marriages + descents in the line of which you referred"Cumbo" in one. The scheme will be seen by the following diagramwhich I have drawn out so as to [give the each - crossed out] have an actualperson represented in each individual tabulated - and therefore youin fact will never become "bogged".I have over come very tough problems in the Dieri tribe in this manner.

[written in left side of margin]see back of leaf

Questions here fromx page 4

The noamarriage rule for one

Last edit 27 days ago by ALourie
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4Table of the Marriages and Descentsin the Moorawari tribe

1 Kubbi 'Bill Ipai 'Joe' 92 Ipatha 'Polly' Kubbitha - Jane 10

3 Kimbo - Tom Murry - Jack 114 Matha - Ann Butha - Mary 12

5 Kubbi - Paul 6Kubbitha - Alice 13 Ipai - Peter 14 Ipatha Sarah7 Ipatha - Mary 8 Ipai - John 15 Kabbitha - Sophie 16 Kubbi - Alex

I have given the same relationships as those in the Dieri Diagram. The individuals are put down with the sub-class - names,as they must have been. But I have added fictitous personal names to identify each. If you would kindly - take 3 + 4 as beingyour input "combo & martha", and then add to each number instead of the fictitious english name, the actual personal name [of each individual -crossed out][that to the personal names -crossed out] by which each individual is [known - crossed out] was or is known Then you will not be in ayour in fact in a "fog".The questions are as follows:(1) where did each husband or wife come from - ie. beginning withwhere did Kubbi Bill belong to? where was his country? where did his wife Ipatha Polly come from? How did he get her - was it by betrothal, or by gift, if so by whom; or did he get her in the same manner as the Kamilaroi get their wives? (now I must explain that one of theSouthern Kamilaroi, when he had attended a certain round of Boras, had theright [??] [??] girl, "Ngaia Kulade Kura mulaYaralla" that is "I myself wife will take (steal) by and bye")

Was Ipatha Polly in any way related to Kubbi Bill? Have they anyterm which is like the Dieri noa - indicating those males +females [who are perm - crossed out] between whom marriage is permissable.

Last edit 27 days ago by ALourie
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My explanation of the question for which I am seeking a reply from tribes like the Moorawari will be best made by showing what such a "rule of marriage" is in the Dieri tribe of CentralAustralia. (1) In that tribe there are only the two classes Matteri and Kararu, which I think are the equivalents of the Kamilaroi (and therefore also of the Moorawari names). Thus Matteri = Dilbiand Kararu = Kupathin.

(2) A diagram showing the marriages and descentsis as follows:

Diagram 11. m Matteri 2. m Kararu3. f Kararu 4. f Matteri

(3) The general law of marriage and descent is thatMatteri marries with Kararu and Kararuwith Matteri. The class name is transmitted by a mother to her children and as descent is thereforecounted in the female line I have drawn out the diagram on that basis. (4.) 1 and 4 are brother and sister, so are also 2 and 3 and marriage in this tribe is always brought about by the exchange of sisters. Therefore the men 1 and 2 have as wives each others sisters. (5) The children of 1 and 3, and those of 2 and 4 are not permitted

Last edit 27 days ago by ALourie
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2permitted to marry, being considered to betoo near in relationship - they are Kami to each other. Their children however are permitted to marry and the relationship between 7 and 8 is that of noa. Marriage can only take place between people who are noa to each other.

(6) We must remember that all the aboriginal relationships, as I have I think already explainedare such merely, like ours, of individual to individual,but of group to group

(7) Therefore 7 represents a group of males who are borninto the noa relationship with a group of females who are born into the noa relationship with them. Thefemale group is represented in the diagram by thewoman (8)_____

(8) The man 1 being Matteri his group of brethren formed a small section of that class - his daughter's son 7 is also one of a small section of the Kararu class, the woman 8 is one of a small section of the Matteri class.

(9) We see therefore that the Matteri women aredivided into two groups, a small one noa with the membersof which the man 7 and his own and tribal brethren, may lawfullymarry, and another large group with the members of which it is not lawful for them to marry.

(9)From this the marriage rule of the Dieri tribe can be formulated thus: the woman [...] 7 can by only lawfully marry, must be his "mother's (5), mother's (3), brother's (2), daughter's (6),daughter(8)". That is a woman, one of a group of women who are in that relationship, to him and his own and tribalbrothers.

Last edit 7 months ago by ALourie
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4(5). Is there in the Moorawari tribe a practiceof promising a girl, often when a mere infantto some boy or man as a wife.

(6) In the Southern Kamilaroi tribes, a youngman when he has been at a certain number ofBoras, has acquired the right of claiming any unmarriedwoman, (whom he may lawfully marry) as his wife.Is that the practice of the Moorawari tribeand have they any term like the Dieri "noa"which denotes that the group of women from which, forinstance "Combo" might lawfully obtain a wife?

Last edit 27 days ago by ALourie

XM235_ICDMS_lowres Typed notes

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Mr Lang remarks at page 55 of his Secret of the Totem ,"If Pirra--uru were primitive, it might be looked for among these southernand eastern tribes ....But in these primitive South-east tribes pirra-uru is no more found than subincision, nor is it found among theArunta and the northern tribes."

I do not understand what Mr Lang means when he speaks of "primi--tive tribes", but assume that he refers to the tribesof South East Australia who have advanced from group marriage toindividual marriage, and among whom, certainly, pirrauru is not found.

But I think than I can show good reasons for the belief thatall the tribes of South East Australia did at one time practise it.

In the accompanying tables are the marital, parental, filial and fraternal terms of relationship, used by the tribes of which the Dieriis the type. I also give those used by some of the tribes of SouthEast Australia ,where there is only individual marriage, and these I thinkwill serve as examples of the others.

To assist the reader in following the comparison which I shallmake between the terms of relationship of the tribes herein referredto, I give a few leading facts as to each tribe.

The Dieri inhabit that part of the delta of the Cooper whichextends from the east side of Lake Eyre, and mainly south of that riverfor some hundred and fifty miles. It has a two class system with totemsgroup marriage and descent in the female line.

The Kurnandaburi inhabited country on the Barcoo river aboutone hundred miles from the eastern boundary of South Australia, andhad group-marriage , the equivalent of the Dieri tippa-malku , and descent in the female line,

The Wathi-Wathi were on the Murray river and belonged to anaggregate of several nations whose north western tribes are theneighbours of the Dieri and Yantruwunta. These nations have a two-class system with totems, individual marriage and descent in thefemale line.

The northern Kamilaroi are part of a nation which is organisedin two classes, four sub-classes and totems, individual marriageand descent in the female line.

The Kuinmurbura tribe occupied country near Broad Sound in Queensland. It had two classes, four sub-classes and totems, indi-

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[top of page seems to have been cut off]But I think that I can show good [rest of line missing]all the tribes of South East Australia did at one time practise it.

In the accompanying tables are the marital, parental, filial andfraternal terms of relationship, used by the tribes of which the Dieriis the type. I also give the those used by some of the tribes of SouthEast Australia, where there is only individual marriage, and these I thinkwill serve as examples of the others.

To assist the reader in following the comparison which I shallmake between the terms of relationship of the tribes herein referredto, I give a few leading facts as to each tribe.

The Dieri inhabit that part of the delta of the Cooper whichextends from the east side of Lake Eyre, and mainly south of that riverfor some hundred and fifty miles. It has a two class system with totemsgroup marriage and descent in the female line.

The Kurnandaburi inhabited country on the Barcoo River aboutone hundred miles from the eastern boundary of South Australia, andhad group-marriage, the equivalent of the Dieri tippa-malku , and descent in the female line,

The Wathi Wathi were on the Murray river and belonged to anaggregate of several nations whose north western tribes are theneighbours of the Dieri and Yantruwunta. These nations hava a two-class system with totems ,individual marriage and descent in thefemale line.

The northern Kamilaroi are part of a nation which is organizedin two classes, four sub-classes and totems, individual marriageand descent in the female line.

The Kuinmurbura tribe occupied country near Broad Sound inQueensland. It had two classes, four sub-classes and totems, indi--vidual marriage and descent in the female line.

The Wurunjeri were one of several tribes in southern central Victoria,with two classes and one totem. It was also organized on localitywith descent in the male line.

The Kaiabara tribe was at the Bunya-Bunya mountains in Queens-land and represented a large number of tribes, extending from thecoast inland for some hundred miles square. The organization was intwo classes divided into four subclasses with totems. There wasindividual marriage with male descent.

TheArunta are the immediate neighbours of the north of theUrabunna, and have four subclasses in the southern and eight in thenorthern part of the tribe. There are totems which do not regulatemarriage and descent in the male line.

The Binbinga tribe has eight sub-classes, with individualmarriage and descent in the male line.

The Narrinyeri tribe are situated on the coast at the mouthof the Murray river .The tribe has no class names, but has exogamoustotems and is organised in local clans. There is individual marriagewith descent in the male line.

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Last edit 12 days ago by ALourie
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The Yuin are a coast tribe in southern New South Wales. Theyhave no classes or sub-classes, but totems which, together withlocality regulate marriage. They have individual marriage and descentin the male line.

The Kurnai inhabited almost the whole of Gippsland and wereorganised in exogamous local groups. Individual marriage was broughtabout by a system of elopement. Descent was in the male line.

The Chepara formed a considerable tribe in southern Queensland .Therewas not any organisation in classes ,subclasses, or totems, but thetribe was divided into local clans with male descent.

These tribes fairly represent those described by MessrsSpencer and Gillen and by me, covering some three fourths of eastern Australia.

Considering them as a whole we see that the Dieri and kindred-tribes, having group marriage (1) and descent in the female line, are themore backward standing, while the most advanced in one direction ofsocial progress, are tribes such as the Bingbinga with eight sub-classes and descent in the male line. Other tribes have advancedsocially in an other direction, from an organisation like that of theDieri to that of tribes, such as that of the Wathi Wathi who, withthe class organisation of the Dieri, have individual marriage and notgroup-marriage. This latter series terminates, for instance, in theKurnai, with an organisation altogether on locality, andwith descent is the male line.

The progressive rate of advance has not been the same, so thatno two tribes are, so to say, at exactly the same distance fromthe starting point. It is therefore necessary to take all the factorsinto account, before determining whether any particular tribe is,or is not, primitive, or more or less socially advance than another.

In this communication I have only considered the advance fromgroup-marriage to individual marriage.

I have already explained what the reation [sic] of noa is, andshall now go a step farther and show how the potential claim of aman to one or more of his female noas is given effect to.

I have described the several ways in which this done [sic] and neednow only summarise them, giving references to where, in any NativeTribes, they are to be found.

(1) [too faint to read]

[written in left margin]is this the starting point of my explanationsThe noa relationship and to make them as clear as possibleto my readers I shall [make use of a small diagram -crossed out]in the first place enumerate the several ways in whichthe potential claim of a Dieri man to one or more of his female noas is given effect to.

re write

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XM237_ICDMS_lowres A W Howitt Australian Group Relationships (paper)

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Anthropological Institute3 Hanover SquareLondon, W.

Kindly set for Journal

Australian Group-relationshipsbyA.W. Howitt C.M.G., D.Sc.

[written in left side margin]Dr Rose

Mr Andrew Lang remarks at p. 55 of The Secret of the Totem, "If pirrauru were primitive, it might be looked for among these southern andeastern tribes .....but in these primitive South-east tribes pirrauru isno more found than subincision....".

I do not understand what Mr Lang means by "primitive tribes", because those of the south-east who have not got pirrauru, are, accordingto my classification, advanced, in so far that they have individual marriage.

I now propose to show what I take to be good reasons, for the beliefthat those tribes did at one time have a marriage of the type of thepirrauru of the Dieri, and if so, it is an answer to Mr Lang's objection.

The noa relationship is the starting point of my explanations and tomake them as clear as possible to my readers, I shall, in the first place,enumerate the several ways in which the potential claim of a Dieri manto one or more of his noas, is given effect to.

This may be by;(a) Betrothal, (Native Tribes of South-East Australia.p.p.177-8).(b) gift of the woman (p.p. 178-9)c/. (c) the kandri ceremony (p.p. 181-2); the performance of which may be inconsequence of;(d) an agreement between two brothers to become the pirraurus of theirrespective wives. In such a case they commonly lived together in a group marriage of four (p. 181).(e) consent of the husband (p. 181).(f) a man receiving the wife of his deceased brother (p. 181).(g) allocation by the elders (p. 182).

Under all these new marital conditions, the man and the woman remain noa to each other.

I have always found a difficulty in explaining the system of Dieripirraurus marriage, to those who have no actual knowledge of the conditions.In my earlier works I endeavoured to meet it by speaking of the [??] under(a) and (b) as noa marriages, but I abandoned this, because it was ratherindefinate [sic], in so far that all the unions are noa marriages. Inmy Native Tribes of South-East Australia

Last edit 9 days ago by ALourie
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No one says or thinks in the Dieri that, as Mr Lang puts it(op.cit.p.46), she the woman 6, "collaborated in giving birth to him"the man 9, any more than we should do so, as to a stepmother. The position[on -crossed out] of 6 as to her sister's children, follows from her position as thewife of her sister's husband. The Dieri no more thinks when he appliesthe term ngandri (mother) to two women, that they have collaboratedin the birth, than we do when we apply the term "grandmother" to twoseparate women, that they have collaborated in the birth of any oneindividual.

The term ngandri as applied to both 5 and 6 carries with it a strongfeeling of kinship, which may be estimated from my remark (op.cit.p184)that " in the event of a tippa-malku wife dying a pirrauru wife willtake care of her children and attend to them with affection.

The filial terms to be considered are (m), son, brother's son, wife's sister's son, and (f), son, sister's son and husband's brother'sson.

The man 9 is the son of 1, and 11 of 2, but 9 is also the son of 2,therefor [sic] the term son also includes (m) brother's son, and as 9 isson of the sister of 6, the wife of 2, this term also includes (m) wife'ssister's son.

Taking 5 as the example of (f) son, sister's son and husband's brother's son, the same line of argument will show that those relation--ships, as we reckon them, are all included in the one term "son".

There are in the Dieri language three fraternal terms, neyi, elder brother, kaku elder sister, and ngatata younger brother or sister.As one term will suffice, to illustrate the inter-relations of all,I shall select neyi.

The man 9 is the son of his joint fathers 1 and 2, so is 11 andhaving the same father they are brothers, one of them being the elder. (1)Similarly, as 11 is the son of his joint ngandri 5 and 6, who are alsothe mothers of 9, he and 11 are brothers. I must point out, however~ strange it may appear to us, that a man's younger brother may be older than himself, under the conditions I have explained.

How strong and real this fraternal bond may be, can be estimated by the case which I recorded (op.cit.p.237), where an elder brother sufferedthe death penalty stoically, at the hands of a pinya for a blood-feudincurred by evil magic, attributed to his ngatata or younger brother.

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------(1) It is noteworthy in this respect that in the Bingbinga tribe pappa includes elder brother and also father's elder brother's son, while pappaia includes younger brother andalso father's younger brother's son. 111

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6These fraternal relationships explain why it is that in Austra-lian tribes, the children of two or more brothers or of two or more sisters, are all brothers and sisters.

It may be as well to remind my reader that the terms of relation-ship, with one or two exceptions, denote a group and not an indivi-dual. Therefore the term "father" includes also his broth-ers, own and tribal, "mother" also includes her sisters own and tribal,and so also with the other terms.

One of those exceptions is the Dieri term tippa-malku which denotesthat a male and female noa are in the relation of betrothal, this beinga reciprocal term.

There is another term, the Dieri yimari which may be consideredhere, and which denotes "husband's brother" and "wife's sister". When the tippa-malku marriage was made between 2 and 6 the former became theyimari of 5, and 5 became the yimari of 2. In our system we differen-tiate between these relationships of "husband's brother and "wife'ssister", calling them for distinction "brother-in-law" and "sister-in-law". But the Dieri make no distinction, because the term yimari isnecessarily reciprocal. An inspection of the diagram shows that 1, isthe "husband's brother" of 6, while 6 is the "wife's sister" of 1.This term must have arisen out of and also denotes the reciprocalrelation in question.

The next step is to compare the terms of relationship used bythe other tribes, with those of the Dieri.

An inspection of the tables will show that some tribes have oneword which may be likened to our "spouse", and which includes all themarital terms, for instance the Dieri noa, the Urabunna nupa, the Kurnandaburi abaija, and Arunta unawa and the Watu-Watu nopui.Other tribes have two names, one being male and the other female,corresponding to our "husband" and "wife", such as the Kurnai braand maian.

For comparison with the Dieri terms I shall take [those of -crossed out] theKurnai, because although those of any of the other tribes would have done aswell, the latter is one of those which have made the greatest advancesocially and is therefore in marked contrast to the former.

The Kurnai tribe is not like the Dieri divided into twoexogamous intermarrying classes, with female descent, but into numerous172

Last edit 27 days ago by ALourie
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local groups which are exogamous and intermarrying under a definitelocal arrangement (op.cit.p.p. 76, 272).The former diagram, with certain provisos will serve to illustratethe marriage rite and relationship terms of the Kurnai, as well asthose of the Dieri.I assume that the men 1 and 2 are brothers belonging to a certain local group, which may be called "x", and that the women 5 and 6are sisters, belonging to another local group "y". The two groups areexogamous and intermarry. I further assume that, as was a common prac-tice with the Kurnai, the two men 1 and 2 agreed to elope at the same time with the women 5 and 6, having done so, 1 became thehusband of 5 and 2 of 6, 9 being the son of 1 and 5, and 11 of 2 and 6.There is individual marriage in the Kurnai tribe, and 1 is theindividual husband (bra) of 5, yet 2 the brother of 1 is also the bra of 5, although there are no marital relations between them. Theman 2 is the (f), sister's husband of 5. Similarly it may be seen thatthe term maian (wife), includes also "wife's sister" and "(m), broth-er's wife".The parental term mungan (father) is applied by 9 to 1, the individualhusband of his mother 5, but it is also applied by him to 2 his fath-er's brother, between whom and 5 there are no actual marital relations.Moreover it also includes "mother's sister's husband", that is theman 2.The term yukan (mother) is applied by 9 to his mother 5, andalso to her sister 6, the titular wife of his father.The filial term "lit" (child), is applied by 1 to 9, by 2 histitular father, by 5 his actual mother, by 6 his titular mother,and they follow correctly the premises of the parental terms.The term thundung (elder brother), is taken as an example ofall the fraternal terms. Assuming that the man 1 is the elder,then 9 is the elder brother of 22, they having the same fathers,the men [..] and [..], and also because 5 and 6 are their mothers, ownand titular.I think that anyone who approaches this subject with an openmind and free from bias, will agree with me that the marital,parental, filial and fraternal terms of relationship of the Dieridefine the conditions of pirrauru marriage. These terms are quite

Last edit 10 months ago by Margaret T. Newman
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inapplicable to the conditions of those tribes which have only individual marriage, and yet make use of the equivalents of terms which denote marriage of the pirrauru type.

[Gery written in the left hamd margin]Mr Lang says in the course of his adverse argument (op.cit.p.43)"Whatever the original sense of the names, they all now denoteseniority and customary legal status in the tribe with the recipro--cal duties, rights and avoidances ...". In these Dieri terms wecertainly have "the original sense", in so far that they exactlydefine the conditions to which they are applied.

Mr Lang also takes exception to the use of our terms to explainthe application of the native words for relation--ships. he says (op.cit.p.43) "Manifestly there lurks a fallacyin alternately using "sons", for example, in our sense and then inthe tribal sense, which includes both fatherhood, or sonship, insense, and also tribal status and duties. "The terms, in addition totheir usual and generally accepted signification of relationshipby blood, express a class or group relation quite independent of it."The reference for this quotation is given in a foot note as "RothN.W.C. Queensland Aborigines p.56".

Would Mr Lang prefer that I should endeavour to explain to himthe relationship of "son" by using only the Dieri words?For instance! "In this case the ngatani and the ngatani-waka areboth in the same relation to their ngatamura, yet the ngatani-wakais not so near in the relationship as is his neyi the ngatani.This is because, although both are neyi and ngatata, they are murdu-maraand not buyulu-mara to eachother/&c. [sic]"

Perhaps on further consideration Mr Lang may prefer my usualmethod of explanation, and also think it advisable to master the theory and practise of native relationships.

In these matters we are now down to bedrock, on the firm foun--dation of fact, and not upon an insecure stratum of guesswork.

Hitherto a student of the classificatory system, working at first hand among savage tribes, or in the study, with information atsecond hand, supplied by others has been obliges to rely uponinferences drawn from the terms of relationship alone. But fortu-nitely [sic] many tribes in Australia, over an area [greater - crossed out] larger than GreatBritain and Ireland, have, or had, before we occupied their country,174

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a system of marriage which supplies that evidence of fact, whichup to the present time, has been wanting. Group-marriage that is pirrauru is a fact,and the terms of relationship define it, as our terms defineour individual marriage and the family created by it.

But even if Mr Lang were correct in speaking of the [piarruru - crossed out] pirrauru -marriage as a "sport", it would not alter the fact that the relation--ships brought about, by what he admits is a recognised union (op. cit.p.p. 52-53), are those which the terms define. Moreover there [no - crossed out] are noothers, even as vestigiary survivals, to point to any earlierperiod of individual marriage.

On examining the table of marital terms at the end of this paper it will be seen thatthey [can - crossed out] may be arranged in two groups, one with a single term for all the relationships, the other with one term for husband and anotherfor wife, as I use those words.

[written in the left hand margin]Narrinyeri

The first includes the Dieri, Urabunna and Kurnandaburi who have group-marriage, and the Narrinyeri, Arunta and Wathi-wathi who have not. The sacond [sic]includes all the other tribes, who have individual marriage.

The Wathi-Wathi belong to a group of nations, whose north westerntribes are adjacent to the Dieri and Yantruwunta. It is significantthat the Wathi-Wathi who have advanced from group-marriage toindividual marriage, should retain a marital term nopui, which is apparentlythe same as the Dieri noa and the Urabunna nupa.

In summarising the conclusons [sic] which may be drawn from the facts statedthe principal point is that the original terms of relation-ship, such as noa, indicate marriage on a wide scale, although restrictedto a definite part of a tribe. We may conclude that there was previouslya still wider range, which the noa relationship restricted. A furtherlimitation then comes in by which only some of those who are noa to each--other are married by the Kandri ceremony.

By pirrauru also some of a man's brothers become actually theco-husbands of his wife or wives. A larger number are only nominally so, andthis may be considered as a vestigiary survival of what was a realitybefore the institution of the Kandri ceremony selected, so to say, only some of the noa brothers.

Later on with possible association of change of descent from thefemale to the male line, the pirrauru system was abandoned, the maritalrights, formerly exercised by the pirrauru, being now seen at the timewhen the woman is actually handed over to one certain man. (1)

(1) This summary was suggested to me by Professor Baldwin Spencer

Last edit 26 days ago by ALourie
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The handing over of a woman and the exercise of the formermarital rights, is what I have spoken of as the jus primae nootis [3 words underlined]and which Mr Lang disputes.

In the Kurnai tribe it is the fraternal group who exercise theright, that is, those who are the own or tribal brothers of the futurehusband, and belonging to his locality, any one of whom might haveeloped with the woman, if she had consented to accept him as her bra.The fraternal group having exercised the right has thereafter no furtherclaim over the woman who becomes the individual maian of the man sheeloped with.

This is not a solitary instance of the practice, and the Kuinmurburaare a good example. In that tribe it was the men who were inthe relation of durki to the woman who had access to her, and the relation of durki is the equivalent of noa.

This tribe has advanced to about the same point of social develop--ment as the Kamiliaroi, having individual marriage and an analogousclass organisation, yet it seems as if, in this pracitice, the old inborn right of the noa had been revived.

If we go further back, in the line of advance to the Kurnanda-buri, who have group marriage, as well as the equivalent of the Dieritippa-malku the same facts meet us. It is the fraternal group of menwho exercise a temporary right over the woman, all being abaija toher, which is, on the one side the equivalent of the dieri noa and on the other of the Kuinmurbura durki.

I think we may see in these cases a change in the direction ofindividual marriage in the Kurnandaburi, and a survival of ancientcustom in the Kuinmurbura and the Kurnai.

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[written in pencil at the top of the page]Hart

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To this may be added that the Dieri betrothal was an encroach-ment upon pirrauru, [as the latter was a restriction of the much wider- crossed out][range of group marriage, under the noa relationship - crossed out]

The practice of betrothal and that of giving a woman to a certainman, who had rendered some signal service to the kindred, for instanceby preventing blood revenge, or by holding the body at the burialceremony, must have tended towards a feeling of proprietory right inthe man, over the woman so given. The practices of betrothal and giftare therefore early stages in the social advance and must be takeninto account in considering the general advance in Australian tribes.

The accompaning [sic] table shows my evidence as to betrothal andalthough not so complete as I could wish, certain conclusions may bedrawn from it.

Taking the Dieri as the starting point, the advance has been fromthe power of the mother and her brothers, to dispose of her daugh-ter, to that of the mother and father; then to the father and in somecases to his elder brother. These social changes have, speaking broadly,led to the establishment of individual marriage, descent in the maleline and an organisation, in some tribes upon locality alone.

It must be added, that no two tribes are at the same levelin advance, but that one has reached a certain point, while anotheris either behind or beyond it. It is evident therefore, that neitherthe primitive nor the advanced position of any tribe can be deter--mined unless all the factors are considered. It is only justifiableto restrict the investigation, where it is intended to determine whether a tribe is or is not advanced further than another, for [instance - crossed out]instance as to marriage, ceremonies, or beliefs.

When writing my Native Tribes of South East Australia I consideredthe possibility of the system of pirrauru having resulted from thedevelopment of an advance, from an earlier form of promiscuity. 177

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But it has always been a principle of investigation with me, to base anyconclusions, if possible, upon some evidence, and not to frame a hypothesisupon conjecture, as to what the conditions of ancient society may have been.

In that feeling I wrote the passage which commences Chapter III (p.p. [sic] 173, 174) of my Native Tribes of South East Australia, in which I guarded myself from being thought, necessarily, to imply complete and continuouscommunism between the sexes.

This was an amended form of a similar passage, which, I wrotein the year 1883 and which contains the same guarded expression (1).Mr Lang quotes (op. cit. p. 60) this pioneer work in preference to the later expression of opinion, and does not notice, so far as I haveseen, the guarded expression in either of those works.

The examination of Mr Lang's criticsms, led me to a furtherexamination of all the evidence I have bearing on the terms of relationship [s crossed out], of the tribes of South East Australia, most of whichwas collected during my earlier investigations. Thus I came to theimportant conclusion, that they afforded direct evidence of the former existence of group-marriage in those tribes which have nowonly individual marriage. Moreover that their terms of relationshipare identical in application to the same individuals with those of the Dieri, and conse-quently a wider inference is justified, than I had thought possible.

Messrs Spencer and Gillen have come to the same conclusionby a comparative study of the terms used by Central andNorthern tribes. Therefore, speaking broadly the, terms of relationship

(1) J.A.I. Vol XII. 1883

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13used by the tribes of the Eastern half of Australia, point to thisconclusion. The same argument may be reasonably extended to the whole of the continent.

The question then suggests itself, what may have been the origin of the pirrauru marriage of the Dieri? We find a starting point, inthis inquiry, in the two exogamous classes, whose action prevents the marriage of brother and sister. The next step onwards is their division into four sub-classes, thereby possibly preventing the marriage of parent with child, followed, in the northern central tribes, by a further division into eight sub-classes.

It is an accepted fact, that the numerous restrictions of marriage, in the Australian tribes, have been intentionally made, to prevent the union of those who are, considered to be, "too near flesh". I must point out here that there is no evidence whatever that the Australian tribes have any knowledge of any injurious effect produced by interbreeding.

If we reverse the method, and trace back the successive changes we shall find that the division into eight sub-classes is still proce-ding [sic] in the southern Arunta. There are apparently only four sub-classes, Panunga, Bulthara, Purula, and Kumara, but further inquiry reveals the fact that, for instance, a Panunga man is not allowed to marry any and every Purulawoman. The latter are all divided into two groups, the members of one of whom he may marry, whereas the others are strictly forbidden to him (1). The divisions are there, but have not yet [become - crossed out] received names.

We may concieve [that - crossed out] the original segmentation to have been brought about, not by revolutionary, but evolutionary means, within the Undivided Commune.

I picture the two segements as having group-marriage, controlled by a prohibition of brother anh [sic] sister marriage, and the unsegmented whole with group-marriage, including that of brother and sister.

Looking backwards into the unknown depths of time, farbeyond the conditions just postualted, we may suspect a period of general promiscuity between the sexes, and not that "sanctity of individual marriage", which if I am not in error, is Mr Lang’s theory.

(1). Messrs Spencer and Gillen. The Northern Tribes. p97.

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Marital Terms

TABLE does not require transcription.

Note: In the Narrinyeri amd Chepara tribes, the third term of the former, and the third and sixth term of the latter suggest changes in terms, or the retention of a term analagous to the Dieri Yuinari

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[In order - crossed out] To assist the reader in considering thecomparison which I shall make between the[several sets of Dieri amd Kurnai - crossed out] relationship terms[and those - crossed out] of the [other - crossed out] tribes herein referred to, I [now - crossed out] give a few leading facts as to each tribe.The Dieri inhabit part of the delta of the Cooper[and - crossed out] have a two class system with totems, group-marriage and descent[..ckmed?] in the female line.The Kurnandaburi inhabited country on the Barcoo River (the [upper......?] of the Cooper) about milesfrom the boundary between South Australia and becausethey had a trio clan system [like ...] of theDieri with [totems?], group marriage and descent in thefemale line.The Wathi-wathi here [......] on the Murrayand belonged to an aggregate of [..... nature?], on that riverand the Darling, where [north western?] tribes are theneighbours of the Dieri. This tribe have a twoclass system with totems, individual marriage anddescent in the female line.The Wotjobaluk lived in north west Victoria being oneof a nation, in which all the tribes had thesame organisation by two classes, and not only one set oftotems in each, but subsidiary groups of sub totems. Therewas individual marriage with descent [......] in the femaleline.The Northern Kamilaroi. These tribes alsoconstitute a nation, in which the organization is in twoclasses, four totems. There is individual marriage and femaledescent. The tribe where relationship terms are given lived on the Gwydir River in Northern New south Wales.The Kuinmurbura tribe occupied country nearBroad Sound in Queensland and had two classesfour subclasses and totems, individual marriage

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and descent in the female line.The Wurunjeri was one of several tribesin south central Victoria, which had a two classorganization with one totem. It was also organizedon locality, and had individual marriage anddescent in the male line.The Kaiabara tribe was at the Bunya BunyaMountains in Queensland and represented alarge aggregate of tribes extending from the coastfor somemiles. The organization was intwo classes, segmented into four subclasses, withtotems. There was individual marriageand descent in the male line.The Arunta tribe is the immediate northernneighbor of the Urabunna who are on the northernside of Lake Eyre while the Dieri are at the East.The Arunta are organized in four subclasseswith totems which do not [...late?] marriage and descent inthe male line.The [Binbura?] tribe is again in [eight?] subclassesand has [eight?] subclasses with individual marriageand male descent.Although there are four classes in the southernpart of the Arunta tribe there are eight in the northern as in all the tribes which occupy thecountry [......] of the [Burbuya?]The Narrinyeri are situated on the coastat the mouth of the Murray River.This tribe has no class names but has[........] totems and is organised in localclass. There is individual marriage and descentin the male line.

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The Yuin are a coast tribe in SouthernNew South Wales. They have no classes orsubclasses but have totems whichwith locality [replicate?] individual marriage with maledescent.The Kurnai tribe inhabited almost the whole ofGippsland and was organised in localexogamous, intermarrying groups.There was individual marriage brought aboutby a system of elopement with descentcounted in the male line.The Chepara were a coast tribe in SouthernQueensland. There was no organisation in classesor sub-classes and there were no totems.The tribe was divided into local clans with maledescent and individual marriage.These tribes fairly represents those described byMessrs Spencer and Gillen, and by me is[.....] some three fourthsof the [Eastern?] half of Australia.Considering them as a whole we see that the mostbackward standing are the Dieri and [kindred?] tribewith the most advanced, in one direction of social [.......]are the northern tribes with eight subclasses and descent[reckoned?] in the male line. In another direction the tribeshave advanced from an organization like that of the Dieri[... .... .... .. .. .... .. ... ..... .... ..... ..... .....]have individual and not group marriage.Such coast tribes as the Kurnai who have become altogetherorganised on locality with male descent.The progressive rate of advance has not been thesame so that no two tribes stand at identicallythe same distance from the starting point. It is [therefore?] necessaryto take into [....] all the factors in the problem and [... ......] to saythat any one tribe is [.......] because its [ceremonies?]or its [social? ..... .. .......], or beliefs is anyother ["....."] have [remarkably?] more [......] featuresto this paper & only consider the [distance?] from groupmarriage to individual marriage.

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found black fellows prowling about their camp at night would certainly shoot them after this notice.

[The old men preferred treated the matter as a were induced to treat the matter as a - crossed out][joke, but after some further discussion they agreed- crossed out] after some discussion the old men pronounced that some oftheir people should go near [among - crossed out] our camps at night, and that when doing so in the day time, they would lay down their arms at a little distance - and on my part I promised notto do them any hurt. I must say that This agreement was kept by them and I observed that not only they but also their fellow tribesmen [but generally in their tribes, before their neighbours also- crossed out] in future laid down their weapons when visiting us.

As the Dieri send missions to the surrounding tribes so do these send them to the Dieri when occasion requires it and [the -crossed out] proceedings are such as I have described.

It may be here noted that a Dieri man who is of no noteor influence, arriving as a messenger at a camp [after a unavoidable absence -crossed out]sits down near to without saying anything. After remaining for a few minutes in silence the old men gather round him and ask whence he comes and what has befallen him. He then delivers his message and details his news, and often with embellishments.

Two of the principal old men then stand up one retailingthe message [news and to the men- crossed out] the others repeating it in an excited manner

The newcomer if he is a friendly stranger is hospitably entertained, living in the hut of some man of the same totem as himself.

I remember an instance of such a visit when I was camped [near- crossed out] close to a small number of [encampment these friendly -crossed out] [Yeraka? Yeriwoka- crossed out] some distance to the north of Cooper Creek and [later was- crossed out]and with whom I was on friendly terms, under the agreements above spoken of. A stranger had arrived from the South, and so far as I remember was a Dieri. I could watch all their movements by the light of their fires, [and as- crossed out]and hear what was spoken in a loud tone, for we were separated from them only by a narrow though deep water channel. They spent the evening in great feasting and the women were busy till late at night in pounding and grinding seeds for food [rest of sentence crossed out]. The stranger [who had arrived- crossed out] related his news and it was repeated in a loud tone to the listening tribes men sitting or standing by their fires. I was unable to [catch - crossed out] understand more than the general meaning of their amusements but my black boy who was acquainted with the Dieri speech explained that this man was a "walkabout blackfellow" in otherwords a messenger who was telling them his news. The place [which - crossed out] was onone of the flood drains along Cooper Creek which turned northwards towards Lake Lipson

A man of influence arriving at a one of the of friendly tribe camps [of his tribe- crossed out]is received by the inmates with raised weapons as if in defiance. Upon this the visitor rushes towards them making a pretence of striking them, they warding off his feints with their shields. (p - ) Immediately after this they embrace him and lead him to hiscamp where the women shortly after bring him food (1) [if he wants -crossed out]Gason

[written in left margin] [see - crossed out]last paper - crossed out]p74p75

Yaurorka

(1) [Merschen? - crossed out][Claytonia? - crossed out]

Refer to the news brought tome aboutMcKinlay-here

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Another tribe [Dieri?] the sun came up out of a hole too see (2).

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There was connected with the Kulin belief in a flat earth, of limited extent, another belief . They thought that when the sun disappeared in the west, it went into place which they called [Ngámt?], which has been described to me as like a hole out of which a large tree has been burned by a bushfire.

A legend in one of the tribes near Maryborough in Queens-land also tells of a hole into which the sun retired at night. It says that when [Biral?] (p -) had placed the blackfellows on the primitive earth " which was like a great sandbank", they asked him where they should get warmth in the day, and fire in the night. He said that if they went in a certain direction they would find the sun, and by knocking a piece off it they could get fire. Going far in that direction they found that the sun came out of a hole in the morn-ing and went into another at night. Then rushing after the sun they knocked a piece off it and thus obtained fire.

Beyond the sky there is another country, which for shortness I call the sky-country. This is indicated in one of the Dieri legends. It tells how warm the [Māra-māra?] [ankūritchya?] listened with his ear upturnd to the sky, [Anawotya?] "who lives in the sky" let down a long [hair-?] and by it drew up to himself all those who were with kin down below. (p ).

The [Wotjoballuk?] had a legend of a pine tree (1), which extended up through the sky, [?] [wŭrrn-nŭr?], to the palce beyond which is the [abode?] of "[morn-gorak?]" (2). The people of that time [ser?nded?] by the tree went to gather manna (3) , which implies [that?] [strips ?] [?] [?] such as the Eucalypt which in the [?]-ballak country [?] the [acquired?] manna.

The [Womarun?] [?] [?] sky-country, which they called --------------------------------------------------------------------------(I) Callitris [?] R. Br.(2). [Cannot read line] [some [?] rare](3).

{left hand margin notes]{{Dieri]] & [Tererk?] and their [?] (p -)accounting for the fossil -----found at ------ and counts them [?] [?] and tell tht the only [?] in them put Buckley's/William Buckley [?] down which [?] [?] climber for the [?] [?] 9[?])to the earth

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{Tharan-galk-bek?] (1) or the Gumtree -country. It was described to me as a land where there were trees. The tribal legends also speak of it, as the place to which Bunjil ascended with his people in a whirlwind (p -).

With the Kurnai this place is called blinte-da-nurk or freely translated "bright sky of the cloud", also bring-a nurt or "bone-of-the-cloud".

[Left hand column](1) {Tharan-galk?] is Eucalyptus Viminalis -galk = wood or treebek = country

The Ngarigo called the sky Kūlŭmbi, and said that on the other side there was another country with trees and rivers. This belief was also held by the Theddora and Woigal. ( other [?] come in here).

$ The human [Kunacks?] spirit, ghosts &ct. [underlined]

[Left hand margin] Dieri here from p 9add [with?] [?] [say?]

It is thought by the Dieri that when anyone dies his spirit goes up to the [Pirri-wilping?], the sky, but also that it can roam about the earth invisibly. *If the deceased was a person of any influence food is placed for many days, and in winter months a fire is lighted, so that the ghost may warm himself at it. The ground round the grave is carefully swept, and they believe that on it they can see the footsteps of the deceased. The kind of inquest held on the deceased is described at p , also shows quite clearly that the spirit of the deceased is supposed to be present and able to point out the person who is guilty of his death by magic. Should the food at the grave not be touched, it is supposed that the deceased is not hun-gry.* They also think that the spirit can establish themselves in ancient trees and always [speak?] of [much?] with reverence, and are careful that they are not cut down or burned.

[Left hand margin - transpose ** to p 17a]

The [Warriayeri?} thought that the spirits of the dead went up to the sky, [Wai-irre-warra?].

The belief of the [Biandik? or Bakandi?] was [?] [?] are spirits in mankind,which they called [no-one?]. At [?] one went [downward?] into the sea, and would remain a whiteman (1). The other went into cloudland". They said that the [?] [?] go "up there" [ikan-marn? or ikan nuarn?], where everything is to [be?] [found?] [?] [?] [?] [?] [?] [fat?] kangaroo [?] [said?] [to?] be like a kangaroo of the clouds" (1) --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------(2) The [Biandik? or is this Bakandi?] tribe of South Australian Aborigines by Mrs Jane Smith/Smith related in 1830.(1) She is ending a belief [integrated?] [?] which now - but see p. p .

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thus learned, and which I have heard him sing to cure pains in thechest is as follows:

Tūndŭnga Browínda nŭndūŭnga ū aringa mri-mūrriwŭndaTundung, by Brewin, I believe hooked-by, eye of-spearthrowr-byThe belief is that Browin(p ), has filled the sufferers chest with the frayed fibres of the stringybark tree, called tūndŭng, by meansof the hooked end of his spearthrower.

The wife of Tulaba before her death believed that she had gone up to the nŭrt in sleep, but returned because she could not get through.

At death the yambo leaves the body and follows the wau-ŭng thatis the path to the sky. I have heard this spoken of as the maran-grang along which the ghosts (mrarts), conduct or carry the Birraak (medicineman)to the sky.

The Wotjoballuk [indeed of the?] tribes of the Wotjo-nation believed that a mans spirit (gŭlkan-gŭlkan),could only leave his body during life when it visited the corpseof a person killed by him by evil magic.

The Dieri tribe thought that a spirit of a dead person can visit asleeper. The latter reporst such a dream to the medicineman who ifhe considers it to be indeed avision, directs that food be left at the grave and a fire lighted at it. In the Kūkata tribespears and other weapons are placed at the grave and a drinking vessel and yam-stick are plaved on the top. The weapon arefor the deceased to kill game with, the vessel to drink out of, and the stick to keep off evil spirits [XXX]

The Adajura think [XXX] the human spirit canleave the body in sleep and communicate with the sprits of othersor of the dead. [These?] spirits wander for a time as ghosts in the bush and can consume food, and warm themselves at fires leftlighted. [...?]

Collins in his account of the beliefs of the Port Jackson tribes [...?]that some said that after death they went [...?] or beyondthe great water, but by far the great water signified that they wentto the clouds. The native [B...ions?] told him that when they died they [...?]weak returned to the clouds. As he had been in England and might havetherefore had his original beliefs modified, this statement that they 'returned to the clouds' must be received with caution.

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Burial Practices

Such beliefs as those mentioned in the last section explain much in athe burial customs which would seem otherwise without meaning.

(The Dieri burial customs here)

When one of the Adhadura tribe dies the corpse is carriedabout on a bier for several weeks. The bier is made of sticks fastenedtogether so as to resemble the steering wheel of a ship, and is carriedby men each holding one of the protruding stick ends. The body is buriedwith the knees doubled up so as to be close to the face. Two men getinto the grave and the body being lowered to them they hurriedly fixit in its place and then come out. The grave being quickly filled, afire is lighted at it and the men [imer?] leave its [eir?]. If the deceased were a Kurnaradja, thatis belonging to the Kurnara division (p ), his spirit is supposed to goa long way of to the north, and so with the men of each of the otherlocal divisions, each to its own direction.(1)

In the Tongaranka tribe when a death occurs the immediate rela-tions smear themselves with a coating of Kopai, what is burned gypsumHence the term Kopai-nongo is used for a widow. The body is buried in asitting position, and all implements are buried with it. Before thegrave is filled in the nearest male relation [preac...?] stands over the grave andreceives several blows with the edge of a boomerang, allows the blood to flow on the corpse. The grave is then filled in and logs are piled on itto keep dingoes from it. The loud wailing which is raised at a deathis repeated every day for a whole moon.

The place chosen for a grave is on a sandhill where it is easy to dig (2).

When one of the Wiimbaio men died, his face was covered with thecorner of his skin rug, because no one would look at the face of a deadperson. The body was laid out at length, rolled in his rug and cordedtightly. The relations used to lie with their heads on the bodyeven lying stretched at length on the corpse. Old Headmen, or menof note or fathers of strong families, were buried in what may be called

(1)

(2)

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connected with the belief in a flat earth of limited extent is [crossed out - the] a Kulin belief. The sun when passing out of sight in the west was thought to go down into a place called by them Ngámat which has been described to mean being like a great hole [inserted above - this can describe] what [crossed out - centre of which] "a tree has been burned out". The reflection from Ngámat, that is the upward streaming rays of the setting sun, is said to be the path by which the [crossed out - ghost] mūrŭp, the disembodied human being, [crossed out - the ghost] went up to the [Tharau-galk-bek?].

A legend [crossed out - of the] from the tribe about Maryborough in Queensland also brings out the idea of a hole with [crossed out - whic and] which the sun retired at night. It says that where Biral had placed the blackfellows in the primitive earth "which was like a huge sandbank" he told them when they asked where "they could [crossed out - should] get [crossed out - fire from" in the] warmth in the

day time and fire at night". [All?] if they went in a direction he pointed out they would find the sun and could get fire by [Kurubuy?] a piece of the [going?] far in the direction they found as the sun came up out of [one?] hole in the morning and [??] with another at night. [crossed out - and then] Rushing after the sun they [Kunned?] a piece off and [??] obtained fire.

[crossed out - then the [semi?] belief] It [??] therefore that the belief in another country beyond the sky extended at least over that part of Australia definedd by the [??] given - about a [??] of its aim, and in all such beliefs extended over the whole.

This [crossed out - country [trans?] country (sky country)] sky country in [?induted?] in the Dieri legend which tell [??] where the mara mara and Kuritcha listened with by law turmed (p - ).[crossed out - maukana [??] is a prime] [crossed out - where the][crossed out - Maukara-waka-ya-pira] [inserted above - to the sky] the [crossed out - where] [Arawobya?] "who lives in the sky" let down along [crossed out - cord] han [casts?] and drew up him at all [??] times with tribes to himself". [crossed out - all their tribes tell these]

The [Newbang?] legend the [Nureli?] are [??]] (1) the sky, [crossed out - that] [crossed out - of the] the Wotjoballuk legend is for [??] which [extended?] up through to the sky. [First Left mrgin note in here] [crossed out - and up which] and the people of tht time [??] [??] of the trees to gather manna (2) [crossed out - in the event] which maybe that [word crossed out] [crossed out - manna bring] tree such without individual their manna is found in the Eucalyptus country [??] [??] there.

[Left margin note](wurra-wurra)[two words crossed out] to the places [two words crossed out] beyond which[mamen gornath?] [path-?]lives (see medicine men - p -.

[Left margin note]a legend relating to [Aumun?]

[Left margin notes](1) cellular - ?(2) manna is [??] ?

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[Left margin note]whats [nunas?]ghosts

Section 6 [underlined]

These beliefs [crossed out - show clearly] are as the [??] [crossed out - ?] of another belief namely that white men are [crossed out - the] members of the tribe in whose country they are returned again [crossed out - in the] [??] in the flesh.

The best known and perhaps the most characteristic and important [instance?] is that of John Buckly [crossed out - who a] a convict who escaped [that is?] sec 18- from the [crossed out - at] settlment attempted. [Colony?] [??] within Port Phillip Bay where [crossed out - the] Sorrento now stands. After wandering round the shore of the [crossed out - ??] Bay he came into the country of the Wudthaurung (p) tribe some where near when Geelong now stands Wudthaurung was then found almost in [extremis?] with [crossed out - to the part of this] the broken spear which had been placed in the grave of a man earlier dead named [Murrangurk?].

It is our actions this Buckly/John Buckly was believed to be the murup of [Murrangurk?] which had returned from [crossed out - ??] the [Thaurngalkbek?] and [was?] their [crossed out - from] [Njurrajet?]. [crossed out - In the case] he [accounted?] of his life.

[Next page]

[Left margin note]p [54? or 521?]The term Njaranget for various forms appear for "[ghostman?]" is the [??] (Sect) [??] at the [time?] and was [??] part of Victoria

In the account of [crossed out - the] his life he mentions an occurrence when in the burial of a man who had been [corssed out - killed] speared at one of the special tribal meetinggs. All things being completed for the [?ful?] body, "one word was [crossed out - uttered] "animadiate", which means, he is fine to be made a white man". (1) Here Buckly/John Buckly must relate an occurrence which after the Native tribes had [crossed out - ?? because] [blamed?] some kinship of white men unless the association of the white man with the dead black fellow may have been "a natural consequence of their observation of the change which [??] where the latter were subjected to washing. In tribes such as the Dieri (p) or those who were received for the great tribal meetings at the Bunya Mountains (p-) by [whom?] [crossed out - the dead] under certain circumstances the dead were washed ceremonially and [??] of by their kindred the change of colour provided by the removal by fire of the [coloured?] epidermis would where the [whiteman?] is [slow? or shown] naturally and at once suggests the relevance of one of the dead blacks. I am not aware that the Kulin had any such mortuary communal feasts, but I have [crossed out - as have] cases recorded where [crossed out - these] the dead body of a man (1) was burned also [word crossed out] where kin were is instead of being tied up & deposited in a tree, unburied. Another similar case [viewed?] and [??] to by informants to the west of Geelong, both being [belief?] "the white men came to Melbourne". - (such beliefs of white men being ghosts for other tribes)

[Left margin note]The father ofbileri (see p -)

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