S. to Frederick Douglass, May 28, 1855

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S. to Frederick Douglass. PLIr: Frederick DouglassP, 1 June 1855. Describes ongoing political events in Boston.

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BOSTON, May 28, 1855.

F. DOUGLASS, ESQ.: DEAR SIR:—Peter Randolph, formerly owned as a slaver, by C. H. Edloe, of Prince George County, Virginia, and emancipated in 1847, has published a neat little book, entitled "Sketches of Slave Life, or Illustrations of the Peculiar Institution." Every man who says that the blacks are incapable of intellectual advancement, has here another "bone t pick," in accounting for this freed slave being able to write a book. It is an interesting little volume. It can be had in this city at John P. Jewett's book store, and at the anti-slavery office; the price is only twenty cents. We are personally acquainted with Mr. Randolph, and know him to be a worthy man, and hope every lover of freedom will buy his book and read it.

The Hiss case came up in the Supreme Court according to assignment, and has been disposed of. Judge Shaw decided that the Legislature had a perfect right to lop off any of its offending members. We suppose that Mr. Hiss is now satisfied that "the place that knew him once will know him no more forever."

On Monday evening a mass meeting of the friends of "rum" and "hard cider" was held in Faneuil Hall, to take into consideration the new liquor law recently passed by our Legislature. It was a wild and enthusiastic meeting. There must have been six thousand people in the hall, and as many on the outside, all anxious to get a chance to see the "Elephant."— About 8 o'clock the meeting was called to order; Oliver Frost was appointed President; Joseph Cheever, Watson Freeman, (of Anthony Burns notoreity,) and forty-eight othes as Vice Presidents, assisted by ten Secretaries. Speeches were made by the President, and Rev. Mr. Lovejoy, of Cambridge, after which Col. Isaac H. Wright offered a series of twenty resolutions, denouncing the temperance men, the law and the Governor. A speech was then made by Mr. Edward A. Vose, in favor of the resolutions, after which they were put to vote and almost unanimously adopted. The meeting was adjourned at ten and-a-half o'clock.

Eliza C. O'Grady (an Irish woman) was arrested on Tuesday for being a common drunkard, and taking advantage of the exemption clause in the new law, she informed them that she got her liquor at Mrs. Hinds, an Irish woman, who keeps a little shop in Cross Street.— The result was Mrs. Hinds was convicted, and sentenced to pay a fine of ten dollars and costs, and be imprisoned in the House of Correction twenty days. She appealed from this decision, and was held in $100 bail to prosecute the appeal; she also gave her personal recognizance in $1,000 not to sell while the appeal is in abeyance. On Thursday, Paran Stephens, of the Revere House, Harvey D. Parker, Court Square, John Corthall, of the Metropolitan House, and Lewis Rice, of the American House, were arrested under complains of officers of the city government. Henry F. Durant, Wm. H. Perrin, and Richard H. Dana, Jr., were retained as counsel for the defendants. Owing to the absence of important witnesses, the case was postponed till Tuesday at 11 o'clock, the defendants giving bail in $200 each for their appearance at that time. Perhaps it is not generally known in your section nor in this that there is a secret "league" of the rumsellers of this city, the members being bound together by solemn oaths, not only to use all legal means to resist the law, but also to keep up the liquor traffic, despite of the keen eye of the law. Only a day or two ago a rumseller said to us "you were all surpised at seeing such an enthusiastic meetilng at Faneuil Hall, and supposed it to be the fanaticism of the occasion, but I assure you that it was by no means unexpected to us. There is a powerful machinery at the bottom of all this; it has been in existence in anticipation of this law; its arrangements are as perfect as the 'Know-Nothings," and its ends will as certainly be carried into effect." I have been informed through anouth source that it is the usual custom now now to swear every man before he gets his liquor, that he will not tell where he gets it from to any person in the known world, unless it be true "rummy," and not even to him, unless after due examination, or lawful information from one known to be such, he is found worthy to receive it, and for an infringement of the obligation he shall be subject to no less penalty than being forever discarded from the society of all true and courteous "rummys," and of having his name "posted and circulated" in all the different "cavers" as a wilful perjurer to God and man. The sign is given by bringing the fore and middle fingers in apposition with the thumb, and the rest of the hand open, and bringing the hand quickly to the mouth, the palm outwards, as in the act of emptying the contents of a tumbler of brandy quickly into the stomach. The password is "Bacchus," and it is to be given in a low whisper, and it is never to be repeated unless three of the "Grand Turks" are present. There have been quite a number of persons arrested for drunkenness, almost everyone one refusing to tell where they purchased the liquor.

The first news that greeted us on Monday mornign was, the report that the Personal Liberty Gill which passed the Senate on Saturday afternoon by a large majority, had been vetoed by the Governor. Having nothing more important to attend to, than our personal liberty, we immediately repaired to the State House, to ascertain if the rumor was correct, and to see how the current was moving. We found the report true, and all hubbub and confusion there. Immediately after the reception of the veto, the Senate proceeded to consider it, and expressed its disapprobation by repassing the bill by the following vote,—Yeas, 32; Nays, 3. After the action of the Senate was known in the house, all business was suspended, and all was anxiety and impatience to receive the official announcement from the Senate, one or two ineffectual motions were made to adjourn, but the members all appeared intent on doing a great deed. At 12 o'clock the papers from the Senate were sent in to the House. The Speaker read the veto and the opinion of Attorney Clifford, both in substance that they believed the law to be unconstitutional, and expressed the usual Whiggish sympathy for the "Constitution and the Union," and begging the Legislature not to be hasty in passing the Act. The Speaker then said, shall this Act become a Law, notwithstanding the veto of the Governor?— The question was called for without debate, and with the following result,—Yeas, 229; Nays, 76; being a majority of 77 over the required two-thirds vote, or three to one. You will perceive that in the Senate there was a majority of 26 over the required two-thirds vote, or ten to one! Here there was no dodging, the members laid their shoulders manfully to the wheel, and for this noble deed we desire in behalf of a down-trodden and oppressed people, to offer an inexhaustible fountain of thanks to those legislators who acted so nobly, and showed that firmness, promptness and humanity of legislation which are so necessary for the government and safety of a free people. The people must see after all, that they are to be their own rulers, we have been gulled long enough by the political tricks of politicians. We had better a thousand times have a sage old Farmer to guide the ship of State, than a green gardner to cultivate the rocky soil of Massaschusetts. Our Legislature has done well, and notwithstanding some of its "short comings," it certainly occupies an enviable position in the history of liberty in Massachusetts. We can say that we have had one Legislature with sufficient to pass an address to remove Edward Greeley Loring, with a back-bone sufficient to pass the personal liberty bill, and a back-bone sufficient to repass it, the opinion of the Executive and his legal adviser to the contrary notwithstanding. The Governor, no doubt, feels now that he has taken the wrong course, though we feel satisfied that he is aiming after a nomination for a higher office from the national Know-Nothing Council. But it is of no importance what nomination he gets, he has arrived at a higher position now than he can ever possibly occupy anywhere again. No man hereafter, who takes a position against the AntiSlavery sentiment at the North can ever be President, or Vice-President of the United States.

Your readers who have kept the "run" of my articles, will remember that the amendments to the Personal Liberty Bill, provide that any person holding the office of Judge of Probate or any other judicial office under the Laws of Massachusetts, who shall continue ten days after the passage of the Act to hold the office of U. S. Commissioner, or any office under the laws of the United States, which qualifies him to issue any warrant or other process, or grant any certificate under the Act of Congress, known as the Fugitive Slave Act, shall have been deemed guilty of violating good behavior, to have given reason for loss of public confidence, and to have furnished sufficient ground either for impeachment or removal by address. This you see appears to touch Judge Lorign sufficient to cause him to resign his office, or be impeached. For our own part, we question very much whether the act touches Mr. Loring at all. Is Judge Loring such a Commissioner as is prescribed by this Fugitive Slave Act?— Where did he receive that Commission? If he once had such a Commission, was not that Commission recalled? And does his new Commission, if he has any, give him the right to "arrest, imprison and bail offenders against the United States." We do not believe, that he had any such right. We believe that this is the secret of Judge Curtis's decision in the riot cases, for our judges are not accustomed to avail themselves of such quibbles; that is the business of pettifoggers; besides, our statutes provide that no informal error shall be allowed, so long as the main intention is clear, and it is quite probably that Judge Curtis would not have availed himself of such a legal quibble without cause; he know what he was doing.— And says in his decision that, Mr. Loring was such a Commissioner as is described in the Act of 1850."

S.

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