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shall) by the force and weight of our char-
acter and abilities to the standard and re-
quirements of other men, then will we be
able, with additional force, to claim our own
and their rights. It is by these means I
hope and expect we shall be able to overcome
prejudice. But if prejudice is instinctive,
and rises, as it is asserted by W. W., because
we are different from them in "features, race
and complexion," I would ask him, through
what freak of nature (for such it must be,
as I cannot see how it could be produced by
natural causes) does he expect the cause
of the dislike against us to be removed? and
how many generations must pass away be-
fore their descendents shall be in a more
presentable and acceptable condition that
will not offend the sensitive "instincts" of
the dominant party?

If I were willing to stop here, I would ac-
cept this his [open?] proposition, as being cause
sufficient to justify any prejudice that
might arise against us -- for as long as we
retained any of those physical evidences
alluded to, we should expect to feel the "in-
stinctive dislike and hate" of those whose
feelings were thus based against us, and
they would have some reason for saying
"that we are of an inferior race," conse-
quently unfit for social or political equality.
But I am unwilling to admit for a moment
that such is the case; that these differences
have the power to produce any such feeling
upon society—for we have abundant proof that
talent, moral worth and wealth, have,
and do claim for those possessing either, a
high place in the esteem and admiration of
the community where they are known.—
As for instance—a black man once came to
Philadelphia, and attended church. He
went into a good pew, (by invitation,) and
the next neighbor asked the man who owned
it, why he put a nigger into his pew?

"Why, sir he's a Haytien."
"Can't help that; he's black!"
"Why, sir, he's a correspondent of mine."
"Can't help that; he's black!"
"He's worth a million of dollars."
"Introduce me."

Dollars made the way clear to the inter-
est-seeking heart of the objector; and the
black and white hand were clasped together,
in the hearty grip, upon the terms of equ-
ality. This instance is only one of the
many of a like character, that might be giv-
en if I thought it necessary, which proves
that position, when discovered, will elevate
the possessor to a higher place in the esti-
mation of these who "W. W." says hate us
on account of our color. Can he explain
how it is that Frederick Douglass, Dr. Jas.
McCune Smith, and many others, have risen
far above this feeling, and receive the will-
ing respect and admiration from them, not
from the few, but wherever they are known?

The position assumed by W. W. seems to
me to be that of an apologist for American
prejudice, (yet I am satisfied that it is far
from his intention for it to be such,)—for he
says it is the instinctive offspring of ignor-
ance. If this was true, our oppressors
would be able to put forth this plea in jus-
tification of their acts toward us, when ar-
raigned before the world's tribunal—Public
Opinion. But they dare not—for its hypoc-
risy would be too transparent. But, to con-
sider the view offered, two things must be
done ere we can look for a more favorable
chance in our behalf;—the enlightenment of
the dominant class—and that we, the "ha-
ted and "debased," are to be the instruments
to effect it.

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