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from The Times of the 2d inst., will tell you of this meeting:

At a public meeting held in Philadelphia Institute, Lombard st., above Seventh, March 30th, 1857, to consider and deliberate in regard to the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States in the case of Dred Scott—Franklin Turner, Esq., was chosen President: Rev. Stephen Smith, Ulysses B. Vidal, Charles H. Bastill and James Prosser, were voted Vice Presidents; and Jacob C. White, Jr., Secretary.

On motion a committee consisting of Isaiah C. Wear, Esq., Prof. Ebenezer D. Bassett, George Washington Goines, Esq., John O Bowers, Esq., and Rev. William T. Catto, was appointed to draw up and submit an appeal to their white fellow countrymen in the United States. Said Committee reported through their Chairman, I. C. Wear, Esq., the following Appeal, which was eloquently advocated by I. C. Wear, Esq., Prof. E. D. Bassett, Rev. Wm. T. Catto, Dr. J. J. G. Bias, Rev. J. P. Campbell, John C. Bowers and others and unanimously adopted.

Whereas, A decision has emanated from the Supreme Court of the country, jeopardizing not only our political, civil, and social rights, but also endangering our personal liberties and our lives.

We, the colored inhabitants of the city and the county of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania (and, as we believe, citizens of the United States,) excluded as we are by this decision from our country's guarantee of immunities and protections, whether it be in regard to our property or our lives, take this method of appeal to the liberty-loving spirit abroad in the land, pervading, as it does the great mass of the American mind. In this we address ourselves not to the feelings alone, but to the understanding and the sense of honor of the American people, believing that those whom we now address would not be willing to confess that their love of liberty does not extend beyond their own exercise of it.

The liberties which you now enjoy, were obtained by the joint effort of your fathers and ours, who fought side by side in defense of their common country. Our fathers' blood was poured out on their country's altar, because they had the same reason for doing so that the white man had; nor were they thought unworthy to join them in the vindication of the doctrines contained in the Declaration of Independence.

But there are higher considerations than those to which we have referred, upon which we base the reasons for a favorable consideration of our cause. You know that we are men in every sense of the word, men with all man's capabilities and all his necessities, capable of loving our native country, and of advancing and of improving in all that is known to be to man's advantage, but, at the same time, needing all the facilities, immunities, guarantees, protections and opportunities that are needful for white men; indeed, it would be confessing a superiority in us to which we lay no claim, to say that we could attain to and maintain the proper standard of improvement without the means that are necessary to the white man.

We do not ask you, in our appeal, to nullify this odious decision by any other than constitutional and legal means. Our confidence in you is that you will see to it that your suffrages and political advantages shall be so directed as to speak and act for those who, by this infamous decision, have been robbed of their legal standing and political rights without a cause. If the unexampled and distressing persecutions in this, as in other cases, were all that we had to plead, it would become the greatness of the American people, who,