Communipaw [James McCune Smith] to Frederick Douglass, June 20, 1859

FROM OUR NEW YORK CORRESPONDENT.

MR. EDITOR:—I embrace the earliest moment of convalescence from a severe and prolonged attack of "Spring Fever," to drop you a line. It has been a source of comfort during my illness, to notice that your paper has taken quite a pious turn of late; in reading you saintly editorials, I am forcibly reminded of the words of the hymn-book,

"And while the lamp holds out to burn," &c., &c.

Yet I must venture the hope that you are not making a dead set for the other side of Jordan while there is so much which demands your talents and energies on this side thereof.

Our venerable friend, Stephen Myers, has been frequently in this city of late, and has honored me with the benefit of his conversation. He rather blames me for failing to be present at the "great feed" on the occasion of the departure of Senator Seward; but while I admitted my right to "quarter on the enemy" in time of war, I denied the policy of doing so in time of peace. Myers himself is a pleasant talker; could his sayings be "hurry-graphed," they would make a budget of useful if not profound political information. I regretted to notice, during the last winter, the very uncalled for assaults made upon him by your Editor pro-tem., a person, in my judgment utterly unfit to criticise and berate with intemperate language, not only our friend Stephen Myers, but also your worthy confrere, Oliver Johnson, Esq.

The day will come when the services of Mr. Myers will be felt and acknowledged as a power in the State. He is essentially a man of truth, the indelicate fling of your Editor pro-tem, to the contrary notwithstanding.—Myers said the suffrage resolutions would pass the Legislature—and they did pass the Legislature; Myers said the Personal Liberty Bill

would not pass the Legislature—and it did not pass the Legislature; Myers said that Morgan would be elected Governor—and Morgan was elected Governor; Myers said that Gerrit Smith would not get 6,000 votes for Governor—and Gerrit Smith received a few over five thousand votes. The individual whom I have named was very wide of the mark when he called Stephen Myers the colored Thurlow; he would have been nearer the truth had he called Thurlow Weed the white Stephen Myers; for Stephen manages the black politics and politicians of the State, while Thurlow only manages the whites, the former being by one hundred per cent. the more difficult job. Stephen steadily abstains from office-holding, and so does Thurlow Weed: Stephen, although poor in purse, wields political power equal to Thurlow, who is backed by a mint of money: Stephen is illiterate, while Thurlow is lettered; they both love, almost adore, Gov. Seward; but I am of the belief that Stephen "has winning ways" about him that will attract ten men to Sewardism, while Thurlow only attracts one; in proof of which I will only say I have tried them both, and while Weed had not the slightest influence over me, I never get into close talk with Myers that I don't feel my Anti-Sewardism oozing out at my fingers' ends, and some lurking devil inquiring with insinuating, silver voice, "what have you got against Billy Seward?"

Indeed I see that if I would keep myself political virtuous, I must withdraw from the bewildering blandishments of Stephen Myers: as it is, I shall have to go out into pure Radical atmosphere, and breath it a while to prevent my "going in" before 1860: therefore, if you suddenly see a man of my size and make, appearing in your sanctum at Rochester, you will at once understand that I have come to be protected and preserved from the seductive voice of Stephen Myers and the quicksands of Black Republicanism; if all

others go for Seward, I am sure that you will be on of the five righteous men who will save our State to the righteous cause of Radical Abolitionism.

Whatever complaint you and William Whipper and I may have had against the apathy of our people, such complaint can no longer be uttered. The people seem alive and kicking in all directions; and if some of their efforts do not exactly coincide with my views, the very signs of activity are sufficiently cheering without regard to the direction they may take; if migration from this field of labor and suffering be wrong, (as I believe it to be,) the good sense of the masses will soon head off the fillibuster party who are moving this celestial and things terrestrial in that direction: we should be gratified to these migrationists for raising an excitement even if it be in the wrong direction: the blood once flowing, will soon flow in its proper channels.

Considering, moreover, the various and persistent and bitter taunts and persecutions which our people labor under in this land, it is not astonishing that frequently there should be found among us men of great sensitiveness and little principle, or, with great [illegible] and little fortitude, who write under [oppression?] and would escape the immediate tortures at any cost and without regard to the ultimate triumph here on the spot, where alone triumph is of any value. Hence, within the last forty years there have been numerous attempts at migration on the part of the free colored people of the free States, whilst there have been constant migrations of the same class from the slave to the free States.

In 1819, there was a movement to migrate to Sherbro on the coast of Africa: in 1826-7 there was quite a large migration from New York and Philadelphia to Hayti; in 1829-30 there was a considerable migration from the same localities to Wilbeforce settlement in Canada; in 1840-42 there was a large migration

to Trinidad; in 1849-52 there was a large migration to California, (this however is within our home-country;) and now comes last and least an attempt on the part of some colored men to get some other colored men to go to Africa, based on the sound philosophical and humanitary principles which would lead to an organization in behalf of sending coals to Newcastle.

The view that the late apathy among our people was the apathy of despair, is confirmed by the now potent fact, that the movement which replaces that apathy could only have been dictated by despair. No man who has a right perception of our present field of labor, of its noble weapons and glorious guerdon, would think of descending to the low platform of African Civilization, unless thoroughly convinced of his own unfitness, or [the dire?] impossibility of doing anything in this [illegible] [illegible] wide a contrast wielding [illegible] the pulpit and the platform among the civilized in order to advance their civilization, among the enlightened in order to give them light, among the Christianized in order to teach them the higher doctrines of Christianity, and on the other hand the low semi-barbarous level of the labor in Africa, that I marvel how men of sense can even talk—and it is all talk—about preparing the latter before the former. Only think of that profound theologian, ripe scholar and fearless orator, who holds thousands in the threads of his almost inspiried eloquence in our Shiloh, descending to the labor of convincing African men of the necessity of wearing pantaloons, and women of the necessity of wearing petticoats!

Talking on this subject, reminds me that your "fat friend" Dr. Smith of the city of New York, is much exercised at finding himself, according to an item in the Tribune of the 18th inst, "challenged to discuss the merits of the

African Civilization Society, having taken grounds against it," by Henry Highland Garnett, its President. The Doctor is very much frightened at this challenge, in fact is quite shaky on the matter, and has appointed me as his next friend to act for him in settling the preliminaries. Which I do as follows:

1. I am not, nor is he, bound to accept the challenge, because it comes indirectly and without signs are from the challenger.

2. He is not forced to accept it, because, never having been able to see any "merits" in the Society aforesaid, how can he discuss such merits?

3. Nevertheless he accepts (out of the goodness of his heart) his challenge, and, as the challenged party has the right to appoint time, place and weapons, he names the place Timbuctoo, in Africa, time 1st APRIL, 1860, language pure Congo.

4. As neither party can be desirous to make money or notoriety by the discussion, admission free, and no reporters.

5. This arrangement bars you out against accepting this challenge from the Rev. gentlemen, inasmuch as it is predicated on the ground that there shall be something left of him at the time aforesaid.

Yours,

COMMUNIPAW.

NEW YORK, June 20th, 1859.