Ethiop [William J. Wilson] to Frederick Douglass, August 10, 1855

ETHIOP BEFORE THE CONVENTION—NO. I.

WASHINGTON PARK, BROOKLYN,

AUGUST 10TH, 1855.

MY DEAR DOUGLASS—Change, says one, is an invariable law of nature. All things, says another, are subject to change. A third say, that in obedience to this law of change, we are not responsible for our acts, our thoughts or our feelings, for twenty-four hours together.—Be this as it may, many things have charged in Gotham—many things have changed in its sister city (Brooklyn) within a short space of time; and I (Ethiop) too, have changed—not in principles, not in zeal for the good CAUSE, but my locality from the Heights to a snug little nook on the top of Washington Park, of Revolutionary memory, from whence I can Overlook the pious town below, And distant Gotham at a glance. and peruse, in quiet, my simple etching for you and your readers. From this point of attitude, so far from the atmosphere of the well-a-day scenes of life, within the whirl and play of the free winds of heaven, and enjoying a fine, mental, bird-eye view of the whole country, still shut out from mortal eye, I proceed to take some etchings and portraits of the coming National Convention, which may be of service to it in October, and to the country now and hereafter.

The Call for this Convention has been issued. It is now to be seen with what response it will be met by the people themselves—by the general means—for whom it may fairly be inferred it is designed to benefit. The leading charge against us, as a whole, at the present day, and one exceedingly prominent, is, that we deserve no other condition than servitude—or that a condition of dependence is the one for which we are only fitted—the evidence whereof is adduced in, that we use not, nor seek the means whereby to attain a higher condition. On the other hand, it is held that we, as a class, have no need for any especial movements, conventional or otherwise, for our advancement as the whites make preparations for the general community, and we should push in and claim participation, or hand on till we can do so. "Especial efforts," say this class of reasoners, "hitherto made, were wrong in foundation; inefficient in prosecution and hence, void of effect." We may subtract from this last class a portion who believe, that if others—than many of the men now at the helm of affairs—had been there, things would have been better managed than they are. Then again, by this same process of subtraction, we find another class yet who feel that if white men are not at the wheel of the vessel that is to guide black men over the rough and uneven sea of progress into the safe haven of equality, they can never arrive—

the ship will founder, sink, and all hands perish. These are satisfied to be the commonest of the common sailors—scullions—anything; and tho' the ship be fast going to the bottom, so long as one single white man, not having with the rest fled, but remain at the wheel-house, they will cry, "all is well, all is well!" Such is their confidence in the capacity and disposition of the whites to do for them what by position and inclination, they (the whites) have neither the capacity nor disposition to do and which only they blacks themselves can do for themselves—There is yet another class who believe in action —right onward, straightforward action. Diverse as we then are in thought and sentiment, differing as we do in habit, training, and imaginary interest, what wonder that we should at this day, be found maintaining such diverse and inimical options—what wonder that there is not cohesiveness enough yet found among us to unites us upon some grand given point from which we may ascend to the temple of social, political, and mental equality, and yet that such an element does exist among us—an element if properly sought, tempered, and applied sufficient to cement us, there cannot be a doubt.

To the Convention then of 1854 may we not look for the cohesion of the people of color and their concentration upon some grand effective principle of The Convention of '55, in its composition, will be unlike that assembled at Rochester in '52. That Convention sprang almost spontaneous from the people. It was a gathering of the best and foremost offshoots of the people, collected by reason of their first choices as the best they could offer to the fastidious but eager market. Perhaps no body of men ever came together with better purpose or stronger determination than did most of these men— and none acted in better faith towards a constituency or with greater prudence in view of a foe. Yet, with all this, if we may take the oft repeated complaints, the numerous faultfindings, the thousand-and-one dissatisfactions, as evidence either their aims and schemes are in advance of the masses, or there exists a lack of faith on the part of the masses in the ability of these leaders to prosecute with success what they aim to do—or it may be the

would be leaders of the day, so far placed a breach between the two, as to render the best attempts partially unsuccessful. The Convention of '55 will differ from that of '52, insomuch that it not only throws open the door wide enough and will hold it open long enough for the parties entertaining every shade of view respecting our welfare; but the several parties may, if they will, bring with them all the experiences and results of the past. Present acknowledged leaders, too, if sent to the Conven tion of, will have the advantage of having associated with them, whether real or would be, certainly new and untried leaders, fresh from the people and those fledglings, filled with vigor will—it may be of themselves—endeavor to find the grand principle that will animate and guide our people at least to the summit of elevation. Let us hope so for One thing is certain, that, if the masses had been disposed to act upon what has been already evolved, or should they, by some process, be led to act upon what is now placed before them, it would be enough for a speedy and successful elevation. The point, it seems to me, is, however, not that there are not plans sufficiently comprehensive and well-matured for the action of the masses, but a lack of correct conception of them, and a want of disposition to put them into execution by these masses. To bring, then, the masses up to the point of knowing when and how to act, and acting when they know is the grand requisite of the present day. It is the height of folly—indeed it is folly almost out of sight, to argue, "the folly of conventional deliberations among us," and those who do so, if sincere, have yet the veyr alphabet of our affairs to learn. They belong, however, to that class who believe that the whites should do all the thinking and deliberating for us, and we the toiling for them. But we must, by kind, but rigid and continued training, hope to school them out of this and similar fallacies, and bring them yet within the walls of duty and sphere of usefulness.

The last and best bit of gossip, and extraordinary case of monomania here is, that of Communipaw, who went down to the Flats the other day and caught a violent headache, and returned with the measles, fully believing he was Ethiop—yes, that he, Communipaw, was Ethiop! Doctor (not Snug the Joiner, but) Joiner White being sent for, purged him with hyssop, which brought on copious perspiration and soon made him better. The patient, when last heard from, was resting at that Bridgport Hotel I mentioned in one of my letters of last season, and was convalescent, and public anxiety regarding him has somewhat abated.

Yours truly,

ETHIOP.