Henry Miles to Frederick Douglass, March 31, 1856

For Frederick Douglass' Paper.

COMPENSATION TO SLAVEHOLDERS.

FREDERICK DOUGLASS: ESTEEMED FRIEND:— Within a few weeks past, there has been published in some anti-slavery newspapers the subjoined memorial to Congress that has relation to that subject. I find among my neighbors, some persons, whose philanthropy I would not call in question, that object to putting their names to it, and excuse themselves after this manner: "I cannot conscientiously sign a memorial to Congress, praying that body to do anything towards compensating the slaveholder for any loss he may expect to sustain in doing justice to those poor negroes that have been so long subject to his rule, and the victims of his cupidity and lust. I would not pay a man for doing that which he is bound to do, without pay, by the laws of common justice and humanity. I cannot sign the memorial because I do not wish to become a slaveholder myself, nor invite others to go into such iniquity; besides, the slaveholder can give us no valid title to the slaves if we agree to buy them."

To such objections, allow me to reply, provided it had been the design of the memorialists to sanction slaveholding or slave-trading, such objections might be appropriate; but as their intention is the reverse of that, in my humble opinion, the objections are not appropriate. The memorialists do not essay to buy the slaves, they ask for no ownership in nor title to them, but they do ask the slaveholder to relinquish his false title, his spurious ownership of them, and to allow the negro to possess himself and the fruits of his own labor.

Allow me also to inquire of such opponents, how they would act under the following circumstances. A slaveholder says to them, "Gentlemen, I have a plantation in the South, with a number of servants, young and old, which I inherit by the will of my late father; the anti-slavery agitation has

led me to look into the matter of slaveholding, and I am so far satisfied with the general character of the argument as to become willing to make an alteration in the condition of my servants. You say if I emancipate them you will have no part in making me compensation out of the public domain, or otherwise, so that I might cultivate my plantation by hired free labor; I propose now, as my next alternative, to continue them in their present condition, to sell their labor, or what is equivalant to it, the produce of their labor, in the best market I can find; are you willing that I should receive any remuneration for that? I am informed that some of you own cotton-mills, some are wholesale or retail dealers in cotton goods, and all of you are consumers of the article, will you buy my cotton, and thus sustain me as a slaveholding cotton planter so that I can receive compensation for the use of the capital invested in my servants?"

Now, judging of the future by the past, the answer he would receive from them would be, "We cannot keep our mills going, our stores open, or our wardrobes furnished without cotton. We will buy your cotton."

"Well, gentlemen," replies the slaveholder, "I reckon we have a heap of plantations in the South in the same situation as yourselves; reflection has led them to see many of the evils connected with our domestic system, and to become theoretically, opposed to holding slaves, but are no better prepared than yourselves to make their opposition practical when it involves a pecuniary sacrifice. Charles Dickens was not far from the truth when he said 'cotton is king.' In too many cases he makes the conscience bow to his control. While our Southern planters have been making money by growing cotton, by slave labor, you have stood

ready to take it off our hands, and have been making money, aye, princely fortunes by manufacturing it. If there is no sin in buying, manufacturing, and using slave grown cotton will you show me where the sin lies in growing it? And if there is none there, why this outcry against slavery. My own opinion is, that so long as you Northern people, including the majority of abolitionists, regard it less a crime to sustain by money patronage Southern planters in the character of slaveholders than to compensate them as emancipators; we may safely rely upon it, that the day of general peaceful emancipation will remain a long way off. With much composure, I go to my plantation and my slaves."

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States in Congress assembled:

The undersigned citizens of [blank space], respectfully ask that provision may be made by law that, whenever, within a certain period of years, any State of this Union, now admitting domestic slavery, shall decree the emancipation of all slaves and the final extinction of involuntary servitude, except for crime, within her borders, an exact enumeration of said slaves shall be made, and for each and every slave so emancipated there shall be paid from the Treasury of the United States to such State, for equitable distribution amongst the slaveholders, a sum of money, to be ascertained as Congress, in its wisdom may direct.

Of course, any one who reads and approves of the memorial will take some pains to put it in the way of obtaining signatures, and forwarding when signed, to some member of Congress for presentation.

Respectfully, thy friend,

HENRY MILES.

MOUKTON, Vt., 31st of 3d mo.