J[ohn] T[homas] to Frederick Douglass, December 28, 1855

THE BANQUET--THE TREATY--GERRIT SMITH

FREDERICK DOUGLASS:—The recent Railroad Celebration at Toronto has, doubtless, attracted your attention. It was the most splendid, joyous, rational, and significant banquet that ever occurred in America. I say, significant and rational, because it memorializes a triumph of justice, and developes a progressive kindred sentiment in the hearts of rival nations.

It was, in fact, the acclamation of both countries, for the conquest of a principle, (the principle of free trade,) over unnatural and unnational restrictions. The Mayor and city authorities of Syracuse returned charmed with the fraternal spirit of British America. They say that national prejudices date from that banquet their perpetual banishment from both countries, and that Canada and the States are one, in spite of the world.

This comes of the Reciprocity Treaty, as it is called, between Canada and the United States. Before that, labor languished in Canada for lack of inducement; her soil was undeveloped, and her forbidden fruits tantalized our commerce and necessities. "Formerly," said an intelligent Canadian producer to one of our delegates, "we could get two pence for a dozen of eggs, and a like price for a pound of butter—now, we get twenty-five cents for each, and the produce merchants of the world are among us, enlivening our hopes in all the range and forms of industry. Reciprocal commerce and civilization open and crowd our thoroughfares, build our cities, and connect our activities with the articles of the continent and the world. Now, both countries see, that those ties may not be broken without mutual injury and outrage;" and we may add, not less beneficial to us is this new growth of Canadian prosperity—for it pays its tax to our railroads, purchasers, and consumers throughout the country.

Such, briefly, is the result of the Reciprocity

Treaty, which, de facto, unites Canada with the States. For that Treaty Canada should erect a statue to the Hon. GERRIT SMITH on one side of the line, and the United States a like statue on the other. It is the conception of his brain—the creation of his unpaid labor and diplomacy. Lord Elgin and Secretary Marcy, though they cherished the sentiment, had not developed it. To this day is would be a dormant principle, had not GERRIT SMITH BEEN sent to Congress. He was obnoxious to no partizan spirit. The country and the world knew his policy flowed from his benevolence, and that he denounced the patriotism which forbade free trade and the natural growth of nations, on the stump, and on the floor of Congress; he assailed restrictions of such trade as outrages upon the common rights of mankind, as not impolitic only, but absolutely sinful. Whilst the representatives of party were exhausting their powers and wasting the public revenues in selfish aims, Mr. Smith, all alone, was devising and exhuming from the mass of political corruption and death around him, a measure, which stands like a pyramid in the desert, to denote the path of national policy and wise legislation—the only measure, indeed, of the Administration which does not shame and curse the country.— His character and address secured him the intimacy and confidence of Secretary Marcy, and the diplomatic functionaries of England. To the former he broached the subject of the Treaty, and drew from him a prudent but sympathetic response. To Lord Elgin he broached it with a like response. Finding both favorable to his views, he drew from each, at reciprocal interviews, an unqualified assent to the proposition, upon his voluntary pledge that their confidence would not be abused. Possessed of their secrets, while each supposed him acquainted with his only, he employed his wisdom and skill to vitalize the dormant principles in the

minds of both, and unite them in the measure. In this most delicate and earnest employment, amid other and heavier cares and labors than other member of Congress did or could endure, he accomplished his purpose. The hospitalities of his table he made subservient to it. He arranged Secretary Marcy, Lord Elgin, the British Minister, influential Congressmen and Senators, and the heads of departments, in suitable positions thereat, and ordered their discourse in aid of his plans. Thus, by his talent and address he was the self-constituted agent and confident of both countries, while each esteemed him its agent and confident alone. Thus, he wielded their diplomatic powers into a plan of true benevolence, wise statesmanship, and international comity. By repeated private interviews with the Secretary and British Ministry, he elicited a mutual acquaintance of their secret convictions, and united them in the incipient principle of his favorite industrial and commercial policy.

Such was the character of the Treaty, it was necessary to legitimate by an act of Congress. Secretary Marcy, doubtless, saw it would be a precious gem amid the barrenness and poverty of Administration acts, and gratefully received it from the hand of the ablest and most distinguished Abolitionist in America. "Go down to the House," said he to Mr. Smith, "and by a speech, or other means, detain it until four o'clock, when the Treaty will be executed, and I will send you the bill that you may secure its passage this very day." Joyfully did Mr. Smith receive the commission. The Secretary fulfilled on his part, and gallantly and ably did Mr. S. fulfil on his part. The bill could not be confided to better hands. He, though he stood alone, unbacked by any party, not only possessed the confidence of the functionaries of America

and Britain, but his influence in the House was unbounded. On every question that did not impugn sectional prejudice or party aims, his aid was earnestly sought by Northern and Southern politicians alike, under the certainly it would carry, if Mr. Smith would be its advocate.

Hence the Treaty, whose early result is the international rejoicing and banquet at Toronto. Wisdom, it is said, is justified of her children. This identical pageant is an international cognovit that Mr. Smith has wrought a blessing for both countries, which rescues him from the insults of partizans, indicates his wisdom and abilities, puts his enemies to the blush, and confirms his title to national gratitude and honorable fame. It is the only light which shines through the clouds. God grant it be the morning star of universal freedom to labor and trade—the initial of the happy day, when all traffic laws shall cease from the code of nations—when governments shall end their internecine war of taxes and prices, and allow every man the good of his labor and property! Thanks to Mr. Smith for this Treaty; and this banquet stands as the initial and the illustration of the whole system of anti-traffic policy.—What a pity that he, and men of like spirit, are not kept in Congress to make laws and negotiate treaties. A majority of such men in Congress and Senate, and the useless army of Ministers and Ambassadors who disgrace and misrepresent us, and squander our revenues abroad, would be dispensed with, and the simple

principle of nature and right would describe the cheap and perfect commercial code of nations. The entire Custom House policy shames the intellect, and should be cast aside as the afterbirth of a new dispensation.

My dear friend, I have said much more on this subject than I intended. I hope you will excuse me; and should this letter ever fall under his eye, I hope Mr. Smith will excuse me for the unpermitted freedom with which I use his name, in connection with facts which individually came to my knowledge, to illustrate his agency in this matter. The general joy which come of a measure of which he is the parent; seemed to me a providential indication that this was the precise time to say what I have said.

J. T.

SYRACUSE, Dec. 28th, 1855.