Jacob Lybrand to Frederick Douglass, February 7, 1856

For Frederick Douglass' Paper.

THE BASIS OF ANNI-SLAVERY EFFORT

FREDERICK DOUGLASS, ESQ: DEAR SIR:—

Permit me to "bear my testimony" in vindication of the principles laid down as "The Basis of the Anti-Slavery Effort," in an editorial in your more than valuable and ably conducted paper, under date of 11th ultimo. Who, that is an Abolitionist of the Old School, but that must feel the force and truth therein advanced! Yes, Mr. Douglass, my brother, much, and far the most that is now called Anti-Slavery, lacks the vital principal that it needs to have, to make it "practicable." The heart sickens at the selfishness and low moral standard of many opposed to, or who profess to be opposed to that most damnable of all damnable "Institutions," AMERICAN Slavery. Were people but honest in their professions, they would have long since hurled that hellish monster to perdition where it belongs; if it belongs anywhere!

People, Patriots, Republicans, profess to hate Slavery, and yet will not do anything to ABOLISH it for fear that it will interfere with State Rights; (?) they should say State Wrongs; and for fear that it will cause a dissolution of our "Glorious Union." The sooner a Union is dissolved that upholds such a blasting, withering, such a Heaven-defying, hell-upholding system, the better. Rather than that Slavery should be sanctified by the United States Constitution, far better had it never been formed; if it should be proved that it tolerates Slavery, the sooner it is broken into atoms the better.—"The Rights of Man" are dearer and more sacred than any written Constitution! The abolition of Slavery will never be the means of dissolving the Union; but unless Slavery is abolished, and that soon, Liberty will not only remain in jeopardy, but, will be abolished.—

The "signs of the times" fully show it, and wise are those who take heed in time. Nearly twenty years ago, I remarked in an article on the subject, know we not that we are riveting chains, if not for ourselves, for our children? Who would have thought a few years since, that in these United States, any man would have dared in the name of Law to imprison a citizen under the circumstances in which Passmore Williamson, Esq., was deprived of his Liberty? Truly, if such is Law, the sooner it is abolished, the better; and in its stead the "Higher Law" established! Could it ever have been imagined that the Executive Chair should be filled by such a lick-spittle to his Southern Masters as now occupies it in the person of Franklin Pierce; and he from New England, from the "Old Granite State?" But so it is, and so it will be and worse, if more Anti-Slavery PRINCIPLE is not manifested, and that speedily!

A very striking evidence of the want of principle is exemplified in the Kansas movement, and as you justly remark "out-Heroding Herod in the development of that murdering spirit of caste, which in this country, pursues the unoffending black man because he is black from the cradle to the tomb." To a person of a reflective, intelligent mind the subject will present itself as full of wicked inconsistencies; for while in the very act of proscribing slavery, the Free (?) State people also proscribe not only the unhappy victims of Slavery, but also, the nominally free colored people of the United States, who are equally entitled to every right and privilege that they, themselves; are and taking into consideration the conduct of the Free State men, the colored people are even entitled to more rights and privileges, thereby

proving themselves to be unworthy of their own Freedom, were it not that Freedom is the right of all who have not forfeited it by crime. Is not the course of the Free State people criminal? I am forcibly reminded of a volume, of Tracts and Pamphlets which I read in my youthful days, many years since; I obtained it from the Philadelphia Library. Every person should read that book; I do not recollect its title. It is compiled from a series of articles published originally before, during the time of and before, and after the Revolutionary War; but I think they were all written previous to the commencement of the present century. I think I have never seen or heard more ultra and radical Abolition sentiments. Talk about "Modern Abolitionism" as though it was something new, something ultra! I wish that Abolitionism was as good now, as thorough as it was in those days, and then with the increased number of professed Anti-Slavery people in this "day and generation," there would be no difficulty is driving the huge monster from its strong hold—and nothing ever had a firmer grasp—into nonentity. But to the "Tracts or Pamphlets" above alluded to. Among the great amount of other good reading, the subject of the inconsistency of those who were striving for their own rights, while at the same time they were regardless of the rights of others, was shown up in its true color. And what were the wrongs which the American people were subjected to by Great Britain in comparison to the wrongs which colored Americans re-

ceive from the American Nation? Why, in "comparison," they were even blessings!

Allow me to allude to one subject more in your "Basis of Anti-Slavery Effort," and I shall have done troubling you with my long article.—I refer to the "Union" of Anti-Slavery people. Surely, surely, whatever troubles and trials we may have to encounter from our enemies, in our Efforts to advance the Holy Cause of Freedom, there is no room for "Quarrels" among ourselves; and let happen what will,

"There should be peace at home."

It has ever been a painful subject to me to know that there is so much dissension among the professed Anti-Slavery people and true Abolitionists. I have greatly deplored it, and have always been trying to use what little influence I might possess to bring about a Union.—Oh! what an amount of good might have been brought with each other, turned all our force against the common enemy! Fighting friends when we should have been fighting enemies!—What an embarrassing inconsistency! Can not we learn wisdom, if not in any other way from our enemies, and the enemies of Freedom, the Slave power? But bad as is the want of Union among ourselves, it is not perhaps the worst that we have to encounter, but something that is ultimately connected, with it; in many instances the cause of our want of Union; the disposition to lower our standard for the purpose of enlarging our ranks, by taking in those among us who are not of us. To succeed, we must have Principle, and if principle will not gain us numbers, our case is hopeless so far as numbers are concerned. To "lower our standard"

to accommodate those who will not go with us in doing right, is not only "suicidal," but also insulting ourselves; and we are dull of apprehension if we cannot see it. I have ever regretted—and I increasingly regret it that there is not a Union of the Liberty Party and the Garrisonian Abolitionists; they are the only organizations that are true to the SLAVE; the only ones who can be depended upon. And the Liberty Party well nigh made "shipwreck" of themselves when they voted almost in mass for Martin Van Buren. That was a heavy blow for us. I sometimes doubt whether we have yet recovered from the shock. I did not vote for Mr. Van Buren, although importuned considerbly to do so, and waited upon by committees, and ridiculed by some who had formerly belonged to the Liberty Party, and among the number, Honorable Charles Durkee. Cannot any means be devised to unite the Garrisonians and Liberty Party together, without either organization sacrificing principle? It would seem that there can be; there certainly ought to be.

Yours, for "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity," without regard to Color, Sex, or Nation,

JACOB LyBRAND.

ST. NICHOLAS, M. T., Feb. 7, 1856.