John Rees to Frederick Douglass, October 23, 1856

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John Rees to Frederick Douglass. PLSr: Frederick DouglassP, 31 October 1856. Urges readers to vote for John C. Frémont for president to avoid slavery’s extension and a proslavery Congress.

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LETTER FROM JOHN REES.

MARCELLUS, N. Y., Oct. 23, '56.

FREDERICK DOUGLASS, ESQ.: DEAR SIR:—I should be glad if I could say a word that would induce your readers to so vote at the approaching election, as to give an undivided front to the slavery propaganda—for, without union and co-operation, the lovers of freedom, of justice and humanity, cannot withstand the mighty forces that are marshalling against them. As an Abolitionist, I hate slavery as the most abominable institution ever established to destroy the happiness of the human race. I agree with Sir Wm. Pitt, that slavery is an outrage upon justice, and only another name for fraud and murder. It is useless to talk of law to cover monstrosity like this. Lord Brougham was right when he said, "Tell me not of rights; talk not of the property of the planters in his slaves; I deny the right; I acknowledge not the property, and the principles, the feelings of our common nature rise in rebellion against it. Be the appeal made to the understanding, or the heart, the sentence is the same; in vain you tell me of laws that sanction this crime.—There is a law above all enactments of human codes—the same throughout the world—the same in all times—such as it was before the daring genius of Columbus pierced the night of ages, and opened to one world the sources of power, wealth and knowledge; to another, unutterable woes, such as it this day; it is the law written by the finger of God upon the heart of man, and by that law, unchangeable and eternal, while men despise fraud, and hate rapine, and abhor blood, they will neglect the foul doctrine that man can gold property in man." It seems to me that the only way to stay the progress of this hell born institution, whose aim is to destroy freedom in all the land, is to do all we can in support of the Republican party, and elect Fremont and Dayton. I regret to see some of the Radical Abolitionists doing all they can to oppose the national movement against the aggression of slavery. As a Radical Abolitionist, I can see nothing in the platform of the Republicans, or in the character and position of their candidate, that forbids me to vote the Republican ticket. On the contrary, I see abundance of reasons in the bloody policy of Mr. Buchanan's party, and of Mr. Fillmore's, to thrust slavery upon the people of Kansas and Nebraska, to do all I can to wrest

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the reign of the government from the hands of the reckless and cruel tyrants, and place it in the hands of the Republicans.

But Mr. Wm. Goodell, A. Pryne, and others, see no difference between the principles and policy of the Republicans, and those of the other parties. According to the theory of these men, Mr. Charles Sumner is no better man than his assailant, Brooks; the noble Wm. H. Seward, of New York, is no better than S. A. Douglas, of Illinois; John P. Hale is no better than General Atchison; Casius M. Clay has no more love of liberty than that of Stringfellow! The Radical Abolitionists and Liberty Party are guilty of falsehood when they put the Republican party in the same category with the Border Ruffian and the Know Nothing parties. Now, the difference between the parties is this: if the government will fall into the hands of Buchanan or Fillmore, they will employ their authority and the power given to their trust, to establish slavery in the Territories, and crush out freedom by force of arms. But if the government shall be placed in the hands of Fremont and the Republicans, they will employ their power to restore freedom to Kansas, and Kansas to freedom; they will secure the blessings of liberty to themselves and posterity in that fair national domain, which God in His benevolence has ordained as an inheritance for the human family in the enjoyment of freedom and equal rights. Messrs. Goodell and Pryne employ all of their talents to diminish the importance of restoring Kansas to freedom. But let us see to this matter for a moment. In the first place, if slavery shall be established in Kansas, it will stop emigration from the Northern States and Old World; and in so doing, it will prevent and deprive millions of human beings from happy homes, and those territories will be devoted exclusively to slaveholders. Again—if we look at the matter in a political point of view, we may easily perceive the immense importance attached to the approaching election. For, if the Border Ruffians will succeed in either electing Buchanan or Fillmore, the result will be that six new slave States shall come into the Union in a few years; then the slaveholders will have the majority of their own members in the House, as well as in the Senate; and if we are to judge their policy by their deeds in Kansas, they will soon carry the institution of slavery throughout all the land. They suppress the freedom of speech

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and the press, and claim their right to hold slaves in the States, as well as the territories.

These are the aims and intentions of the leaders of the Buchanan and Fillmore parties, and Mr. Goodell will not deny it. It is not true that the Republican platform recognizes the right of slaveholders to hold slaves in the States according to the constitution. Mr. Seward may be looked upon as the embodiment of the principles of the Republican party; therefore, his sentiments are of importance in this connection. He said, in his great and last speech against slavery in the Senate, Aug. 7th, 1856:—"The constitution of the United States confers upon Congress no power whatever to consign any human being to a condition of bondage, or slavery, to another human being; but, on the contrary, prohibits the exercise of a power so inhuman and barbarous. The constitution of the United States consequently confers on Congress no power directly or indirectly to make it a crime in one man to persuade another reduced to bondage, or slavery, to seek his freedom. I repudiate this pretended law, therefore; and I will not consent to send the army of the U. S. to Kansas to execute it."

Mr. P. exhorts us to stand firm, STAND FIRM, STAND FIRM! Pray, sir, what does he mean? To exhort us to stand firm in our opposition to the bloody measures of the Buchanan and Fillmore pro-slavery parties? Does he exhort us to stand firm in defence of our brethren that are bleeding, robbed and murdered on the plains of Kansas? O no! he exhorts us to stand firm in our opposition to Fremont, Seward and Sumner, and the Republicans in general, that the government may remain in the hands of the Border Ruffians for four years longer! But I rejoice that the great mass of the Abolitionists are an intelligent and freedom-loving class; therefore, they will not be led astray by proud and ambitious leaders, and as a Radical Abolitionist, I appeal to you, my dear brethren, and exhort you, in the name of freedom and humanity, to vote the Republican ticket, and by so doing, to save our beloved country from the curse of slavery.

I am, truly yours,

JOHN REES.

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