John W. Menard to Frederick Douglass, March 10, 1863

SIR:—Although personally unknown to you, I trust, nevertheless, that the importance of your appeal to men of color, of the 2d instant, published in the Anglo-African, will pardon the freedom of this communication on behalf of my colored brethren, whose views, sentiments and convictions may coincide with my own, and who, although bound to this country by the ties of nativity, are not of your school as regard the present conflict, its relation to us as an outraged people, and the relation of its results to our future welfare and happiness and that of our yet hopeless posterity.

Of course, I would not dare presume to become the public exponent of the views of those who may have similar proclivities to my own, in regard to this war, its causes, its effects and its probably beneficial results to our race, but, sir, the interest of five million men, women and children should have no little claim on the sympathy of philanthropists, and especially on those who try to figure out their best destiny; and as this is an age of investigation, I think that it becomes the duty of every one of us, large or small, to examine very minutely the great issue in whose comprehensive grasp lay our destiny, welfare and future happiness.

Laying claim as we do, to common humanity, we must necessarily, as human being, divide and sub-divide into majorities and minorities upon human issue—especially when such issues involve the common interest and liberty of the people whom they may directly or indirectly effect.

To suppose that, because we are a distinct complexional race, we must float on the same tide of public opinion, political or religions, would be madness and insanity of the first magnitude. This supposition, though illogical, seems to occupy a very prominent position in the American mind—so much so, that the imperious Anglo America thinks a man [must] be a cook, waiter or barber because he [happens] to be black!

The years of 1861, 1863, and 1862, have thrown this nation with its "appendages," ("American citizens of African descent") into a vast abyss of political confusion and social perplexities; and man, though "lord of creation" has been made to stagger before the Almighty events which those years have forced upon mankind; they have brought upon us strange, eventful days and times—full not only of portents and omens, but incidents of great moment—filled with the startling conclusions of old logic and aphorism, and the appalling fulfillment of the old Puritan prophecy. Never before in the world's history have men been so actuated with a feeling of self examination as at the present; never before have the conflicts for principle been so potent as the present conflict between heaven and hell, right and wrong, freedom and slavery. It seems as though the demon of revolution, disorder and despotism has mustered all the legions of hades to exterminate mankind and dethrone God and humanity. But I am digressing from the point to which I desire to draw your attention.

The world is no longer blind to the grant policy which controls the activities and movements of this war. The representative men of this country proclaim to the world that this war is to consolidate the broken domain of the American Union, and to force obedience to the supreme law governing the same. This I believe to be the true policy under which this was is conducted.

The grand plea of the 'great American people' is republicanism and the perpetuity of a white nationality; this plea, sir, forms the civil, social, religious and political basis of the National Government; it is the pretext from the ballot box to the Presidential chair. Republicanism is the family god of the American people; it is their all—their meat and bread and religion.

You are aware that the prosperity of a republic hangs entirely upon a homogenous people; for a republic is a nation of laborers. Then, it is very obvious that to secure lasting prosperity for this Republic, it must retain its homogeneous mass the mass which form the great body politic. If, then, this Republic forms its future basis upon a homogeneous mass, its eternal prosperity will soon take wings and fly away, and this 'land of the free and home of the brave' will move on rapid wheels to the monarchical precipice of ruin. Again, this is a white nation; white men are the engineers over its varied machinery and destiny; every dollar spent, every drop of blood shed and every life lost, was a willing sacrifice for the furtherance and perpetuity of a white nationality. If this was and its policy had been inaugurated for the formation of a mixed nationality, how vain would have been the effort of the Administration to muster one regiment in the field.

Sir, the inherent principle of the white majority of this nation is to refuse FOREVER republican equality to the black minority. A government, then, founded upon heterogeneous masses in North America would prove destructive to the best interest of the white and black races within its limits; it would hurry on the coming new issue—white labor vs. black labor. As regards the termination of human slavery, that is no longer a question; it is now practically dead. The great overshadowing humanitarian sentiment of the world is fast banishing its lingering shadows from this land.

It is clear, then, if we take up arms to perpetuate a white nationality or a neutral antagonistic

element, we would be knocking against our own heads and sealing the doom of posterity. Negro regiments fare very well in the old Bay State, but I fear down here in Dixie they would as soon be favored with an attack from the 'Red, White, and Blue' as from the ragged representatives of Jeff. Davis. Because (according to your own words), the only objection white people have to us is when we appear like ladies and gentlemen. On this same principle, then, Uncle Sam's uniform on a negro would be a rival objection with the doughface soldier. There is already a boiling hatred in the bosom of the Northern people, which, like the burning lava of a sleeping volcano, only awaits a small pretext to explode in resistless thunders at our poor, defenseless race here in this country. We see the sad effect of this hatred already, in your abolition districts. I tell you, sir, this nation is drifting to monarchism, the masses look with ravished eyes at the receding rays of their liberty; they look at the proposed enactments of this Government as despotic measures; and ere long a heterogeneous conflict will take hold on this Republic which will drag its life into the grave of ruin.

Sir, the prosperity and happiness of our race and their posterity lay in a separation from the white race. This is a fact that cannot be controverted by history, experience, or any mathematical demonstration. Oh, that an eternal ocean rolled between the two races!

And now, sir, in closing, let me say to you with due respect, your abolition teachings, if put into operation, will seal the doom of our destiny. We had no hand in bringing on this war; it is a war between white men and if we want eternal peace in the future, let us go to Africa or some other sea-port, and leave the American people alone in the settlement of their own little family affairs.

I am, sir, with sentiments of respect, your obedient servant,

JOHN W. MENARD.

Washington, D. C., March 10, 1863.