Normal to Frederick Douglass, October 2, 1858

FROM OUR PHILADELPHIA CORRESPONDENT.

[For Frederick Douglass's Paper.]

PHILADELPHIA, Oct, 2d, 1858.

A single point in the debate between Parson Brownlow, of Tenn., and your own Pryne, seems to have escaped the vigilant finger of the reporters. In the last evening of the debate, Brownlow loomed out of his real, coarse, plantation, blackguard manners. He declared that Mr. Pryne had been never heard of before he (Brownlow) called him out, and brought him into notice. Every body about us was waiting for Pryne's retort. We expected that he would allude in the right way to the manner in which Brownlow first came before the Northern peolic. You recollect it. Some of his (B.'s) parishioners cruelly beat a slave with a "hand saw," on his church premises, which fiendish deed was, we believe, defended by the Parson himself.—The details of this hellish deed are enough to make Satan himself blush with shame, and the very angels in heaven weep with sorrow and despair over fallen man. Mr. Pryne, however, very unexpectedly to us, passed all this over.—Besides, we were continually hoping that Mr. Pryne would allude to the insulating and rowdyish manners of Brownlow before the audience. Fancy a long, lean, lank blackguard from the Five Points, who has spent over thirty years of his fifty in piracy and brutality, carrying the marks of his trade in his face—fancy him before a refined audience of Philadelphians, lounging back in a chair, with both feet cocked up towards the audience at an angle of 45°—see him expectorate right and left down with venomous filthy weed, all loaded down with venomous rage, occasionally lolling from one side to the other—there he sits; think you a Northern audience would not respond to a slight rebuke admonished to such conduct from such a ruffian?

We were astonished at the coarse , low phrases, the slang and disgusting braggadocio of Brownlow's talk from beginning to end. We certainly expected to hear some good special pleading on even his bad side of the question. The only argument he advanced, with any apparent ability, was that slavery enjoyed a respectable old age. Mr. Pryne knocked all the wind out of Brownlow's hour and a half's labor on this point by a single remark. Said he, "Suppose it has always existed, does this make it right? Murder has always existed, does Parson Brownlow argue from this that murder is right? My friend, my opponent has argued (said Mr. P., as if indignant with himself for having used the word, 'friend' toward such an infamous object) that God allowed slavery among his chosen people; so did He allow among the same people, at the same time, polygamy; does my oponent argue from this point that polygamy is RIGHT?" Here

the tremendous cheering and applause were really deafening.

You ought to have heard Pryne. He talked like one inspired. His voice seemed like the voice of a God, as the scorching hot words, freighted with thought, leaped in rapid succession from his lips. We never heard any eloquence so powerful, or any argument so eloquent. When he said he would sooner vote to give colored men revolvers, Sharpe's rifles, and swords, with which they might defend their rights and their homes against Southern ruffians and Northern doughfaces than ever sanction in any way the Colonization scheme, we saw men whom we knew ot be among the intensest negro haters in Philadelphia, joining in the torrents of applause that greeted this sentiment.

No report can do justice to Pryne's oratory. His countenance all lit up with the blaze of intellect and moral inspiration; his calm, yet fiery and vehement manner; his voice rolling like thunder, not merely upon the ear, but upon the heart as well his astonishing command of words; his majestic bearing and gesticulation; his marvelous magnetic power—none of these can be reported. It has all along been said that his argument was to be printed side by side with Brownlow's; but we can hardly believe that such noble, brave words will be allowed to circulate the Democratic South.

Brownlow pretended to be sick during the entire debate, and did not utter a word before the audience—Col. Small reading his speech for him; but we do not believe he was any more sick than we were. He wanted first to gain sympathy, and second to watch closely the effect of his speeches on the audience—hence his pleas of bronchitis. A rehash from night to night every one of his speeches teemed with allusions to Frederick Douglass. Once or twice he read long extracts from the orations and speeches of that distinguished colored orator—"These," he sould say, "are the beautiful sentiments of this buck free negro." "Now I want to know of Mr. Pryne," he would continue, "if he would consent to have his little daughter marry the son of this talented and respectable 'free negro?" Again he would say: "Mr. Pryne has acknowledged that Frederick Douglass is the superior of himself in all the elements of manhod; he would, therefore, ask Douglass' advice about all these things," &c. He blackguarded the audience most brutally, calling them "Northern negro thieves," "abolition kidnappers," &c.; and finally, completely handcuffed, tackled and tangled up with his own stillness and ribaldry, he fell to abusing the reporters.—This was too much. It recoiled upon him with tenfold energy, and the poor, miserable "sick" Tennessee Parson gave up the ghost, and started for Tennessee, deeply disgusted, no doubt, with Northern Abolitionists.

Mr. Pryne's rebuke to Brownlow's undignified, uncivil and insulting allusions to Frederick Douglass, was telling and scorchingly withering. You will see how much to the point it is, when

it is printed.

We look for great good to grow out of this controversy. In 1854, George H. Fitzhugh, of Port Royal, Va., came to New Haven, Ct., to prove, right under the eaves of Yale College, that "Free Society is a Failure." Wendell Phillips followed him the next evening. Mr. Phillips said he would not consent to notice the argument of Fitzhugh at the same time making some polished but cutting remarks on the imprudence and presumption of arguing to New Englanders that Freedom is a failure. For many weeks after this, we saw the evidence of the good work done. We expect much greater good from this debate between Brownlow and Payne.

Politics is all astir here. Mr. Buchanan's pet, Tom Florence, is on the eve of defeat. Dr. Nebinger, his Anti-Lecompton opponent, will most likely defeat him. In its exasperation at the prospect of defeat, the Administration has resorted to the most high-handed tyranny and bribery ever heard of in the annals of American politics. Over one thousand voters are fed on government pap at the Navy Yard, for no earthly purpose but to vote for Florence. Every body here know this; yet we all, who wear silks and broadcloths, smoke cigars, or eat sugars and tropical fruits, have to pay for it. Col. Forney has come out with a broadside against the Administration hirelings, and has completely silenced them. The immediate cause of this, was his speech at Tarrytown, in your State.—The facts in that speech were denied. He has, therefore, come out with a clincher, and says if the Administration dare deny these facts now, he will give names and dates to prove them.—He evidently has the whole Administration army at his mercy.

Of course you're read or heard all about that Exploring Expedition to the Valley of the Niger. What do you think of it? The noble stand which you have taken and always maintained on the Colonization question, is an answer to the query. The newspapers inform us that of this expedition Dr. Martin R. Delaney is at the head. Prof. R. Campbell is to go as the Naturalist, and Robert Douglass, Esq., as Artist. With Dr. Delaney we have no personal acquaintance, though we have often heard him spoken of as a man of talent and energy. The other two gentlemen are our neighbors and personal friends. We know then to be gentlemen of education and intelligence. We, therefore, regret to find them engaged in carrying forward a scheme which has over and over again been condemned by all true friends of the negro. If we detest any one thing more than another, it is African Colonization in every shape; and upon this subject we have often said, and do now again say, we believe colored men to be a unit. What, therefore, if it should turn out that some long-headed Colonizationist is at the bottom of all this? What if it should be shown that having failed to inveigle colored men directly into their schemes, Colonizationists set to beating about the bush, and at length stated up two

British subjects and an American—colored, all—to carry forward their infamous work? What if it should turn out that these gentlemen have not the "material" to cope with the characters which they have caused to be spread over the country for themselves? What if, as is strongly probably, no African expedition under the proposed auspices should set out, and the whole affair end in smoke? Will these gentlemen dodge responsibility when it comes? Besides, what will the colored people in the free States think of the record of these gentlemen? The most vehement and eloquent denunciation of the scheme—by whatever name called--for directing the attention of colored Americans toward Africa we ever heard or read, came from these gentlemen. They have assumed a position which renders it meet that criticism should be had concerning their past relation to this subject.

We have no wish to open a controversy, but we do no intend to allow this scheme to pass and repass our domicile without paying to it our respects. We mean to refer to it again, and more at length.

A few weeks ago quite an excitement was sprung upon our people by the report that a colored slaveholder was in our midst. About fifty infuriated men went to the boarding place of the alleged slaveholder at midnight, and appointed a few of their number to go in an ascertain the facts of the case. It turned out that the alleged slaveholder was in the habit of buying slaves in Charleston, S. C., where he resides, and allowing them to work out their freedom; he also informed the committee that this had proved pecuniarily to him a better investment than bank stock. Various opinions prevailed among the multitude; some proposed to oust him; others to give him a cold shoulder, and let me alone, &c. Suffice it to say, that he remained here several weeks in the enjoyment of the best society. We were not in the city at the time of the excitement, and will not undertake to say how we should have acted had we been there. We are not among those who are dazzled by wealth and respectability of name. We believe, too, that slavery is a sin PER SE.—Great intensity of feeling was gotten up by reason of this affair, and we will not at this late day take sides in the matter, promising our fellow citizens, however, that when a case occurs where we are, we will show the side we belong to pretty readily. There are, however, some aspects of this case which deserve condemnation. No excuse, for instance, can be offered for allowing slaveholders and fugitives to pass in and out at the same door. No man, be he white or black, whose prosperity and sympathies are lodged as far South as the Carolinas, ought to be made acquainted with the workings of the Underground Railroad. "Fiat justitia, ruat coelum."

NORMAL.