Robert Campbell to Frederick Douglass, October 18, 1858

LETTER FROM ROBERT CAMPBELL.

[For Frederick Douglass' Paper.]

FREDERICK DOUGLASS: RESPECTED FRIEND:

—While I sympathize with every existing measure aiming directly or indirectly at the overthrow of slavery, I am not blind to the fact, that as long as it is profitable for the slave owner to hold his slaves, so long will the efforts of good men to effect emancipation by the means of generally employed, be unavailing. Men generally are selfish, and do not permit motives of philanthropy to interfere with what they deem their interests. I do not question but that every slaveholder would subscribe to the naked principles of right with which abolitionists now labor; but as soon as these principles are applied to him in his relations as master, he thrusts them from him, and again soothes his conscience into repose. The same motives through which men rivet fast the fetters of the slave in the cotton growing districts of the South, are now influencing the emancipation of the slaves of Missouri—Hence I believe that any measure which will divest slavery of its profits—which will render the holding of a slave a pecuniary burthen to his master, will also soonest effect the overthrow of slavery.

The efforts of the British to expand their trade and procure a staple for which they are now uncomfortably dependent almost solely upon America has demonstrated these facts: that by free labor cotton can be procured cheaper from Africa, than slave labor cotten [sic] from America, and that that country, ultimately, can be made to furnish even larger supply than America. It might be fanaticism, or I care not what else, which induces me to believe that in the development of these, slavery will be struck he death blow; nevertheless I cannot get rid of the conclusion that such must be the consequence. If it be objected that the prostration of the cotton interest along in America cannot effect the entire overthrow of slavery, inasmuch as slave labor is also profitably employed in the production of other staples, it can still be answered that the soil, climate, and a thousand other advantageous considerations in African render that country adapted, in time, successfully to cope with slave producers of every character.

What, then, is the obvious duty of one seeing this matter in the light in which I see it, and is conscious of any power by the exercise, of which he may aid in its development? Sir, my path is clear, and I shall pursue it. but what if in doing so I shall in the end find myself in Africa? What is a thousand—nay, ten thousand men, regarding the matter in the same light, or moved merely by motives of

self-aggrandizement, should also go tither—and, being poor, should be supplied with means for carrying out their designs? What, I still ask, if their labors should avail in the evangelization of Africa—should, by the promotion of lawful commerce, tend to suppress the infamous slave traffic, and render the African the rival instead of the slave of the American? Must our opposition to colonizationists and their measures blind us to the interest of four million slaves in America—of untold millions in Africa—or even to our own interest, unworthy of consideration though it be? We sometimes, unconsciously, allow our prejudices to run ahead of our better judgement, and at the mere mention of Africa, excite ourselves into ecstasy, and tear out our hair to no purpose. Such a course might be excusable in the unthinking, but decidedly reprehensible in men of sense. The time is past for us to do more than despise those who advocate the expatriation of the colored man from his native home. No sane mind can regard such an event as practicable, or even possible. As long as America exists, the black man shall constitute a part of her people, and the rulers of this inconsistent nation, if not speedily brought to reason, will one day discover their folly in the reaction of their own measures.

But I must hasten to say a few words more before my letter grows too long.

You are aware that a newspaper paragraph has been very generally circulated, in which the public apprized of the early embarkation of a party to explore the Valley of the Niger. My name appears in connection with others as taking part in that enterprise. This, I assure you, was not only without my sanction, but cotrary to my expressed instruction. At the same time, sir, I would not have you believe that my objection to the use of my name was that I disapproved of the scheme itself. It was simply because I did not believe that the necessary means for carrying it forward was forthcoming; and that, therefore, the announcement was premature. I must here, however, disclaim the application of two words associated with my name in the announcement, and which never woudl have been inserted with my consent. I refer to the use of the term professor before it, and naturalist after it; for, first, altho' an instructor of youth, neither the instruction with which I am not connected, not any other in which I have hitherto labored, is of the rank to confer that honor on any of its teachers; and next I have no right to be regarded as a naturalist, for thought devoted to the study of nature, deriving intense pleasure in its pursuits, yet, inasmuch as that term technically implies a more profound acquaintance with natural History than I can boast, or have any means of acquiring, it would be presumption for me to assume it. In conclusion, sir, I must assure you that it would affect me very immaterially whether the expedition should set out or not, and if the whole affair should end in smoke.

Your friend,

ROBT. CAMPBELL.

PHILADELPHIA, Oct. 18th, 1858.