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Letter from our Chicago Correspondent.
FRIEND DOUGLASS.—Again I intrude the sanctity of your sanctum, to commune a while with kindred spirits. Since you last heard from me, much has been done, but how much for the cause of freedom who is able to say? It cannot but be admitted that the colored man, is now the question in the United States. He cannot be ignored; in all places of assembly, both of church and State, we find him, and like the ghost, will not down at the bidding. I feel encouraged at the signs of the times, for 'tis plain that the Mountain is in Labor, and our Hope is that Liberty will be its produce. I received a paper from a friend in Virginia a few days ago, and soon discovered his reason for sending it, to be a long leader by the editor upon the propriety of banishing the free colored people from the state.—He [the editor] takes strong grounds against the bill which is now before the legislature for that purpose. The friends of the measure among other reasons, put forth the following:
"That the free colored man is detrimental to both the slave and the master, that he is an example to the slave that is to a high degree dangerous to his peace, and the safety of his master. They they are a burthen to the state in some respects. That they are too apt to think themselves the equal of the white man, &c."
Now comes the other side. That there are in the state about eighty thousand free colored persons who in various ways pay into the Treasury nearly as many dollars annually. That the ratio includes the free colored man as the equal of the white man, and therefore secures to the state, nearly one representative in Congress. Whereas, if these eighty thousand free colored person are banished from the state, she will count one less in the electoral college, or if they can be reduced to slavery they will only be that number of slaves which will be but little better. That the free colored man is a well behaved individual, and what adds to his good behavior is that the laws do not protect him, nor does he have a master to stand between him and the law, which on the contrary the slave has. That the free colored man is a good example to the slave, for he is stimulated to emulate his free brother, hoping thus from his good behavior to secure his freedom, even if it is on the chance of his surviving master, who, on many occasions, to try and secure some rest for his uneasy soul, tells the faithful slaves to go free. This is not
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the language of the letter, but in substance, and we must admit 'tis a good argument. But visible must be the straits of the friends of slavery, when they have to admit as much as this.
The paper referred to is the Petersburgh Intelligencer, one of the oldest papers in the State, and of great influence.
I am glad to see that Mr. Seward has again defined his views, though for one I had no doubt about him, but I hope your briarly correspondent Communipaw will now do him justice, and change his views regarding his—Mr. Seward's —apostacy to the Slavery oligarks. I, Friend Douglass am a looker on, and when I see a move by the acknowledged champions that I do not understand, I am disposed to wait and see their further advances before I will cry out treachery. My hope is great, and I always hope for the best; I should be proud to see even the Senator from Illinois, on the side of Douglass of New York.
I am glad you so emphatically disapprove the course of the Keokukians, and hope they too will see the error of their ways. I do believe if the colored man can succeed in the great en deavor to be a man 'twill be in the United States, the land of his birth. What is the reason the colored man is not now considered the equal of the white man? 'Tis because one part of his people are in Bondage and the balance nearly so, for the colored man who is designated free in the United states is not so. Webster defines Freedom to be exemption from the power or control of others, Franchise, License and a Freeman to be one who enjoys Liberty one who enjoys a franchise; therefore, according to Webster the colored man is not a freeman; and if Judge Taney had rested his decision that the colored man was not a freeman, he would not have received the condemnation of every honest man in this country as he does. But, sir, what benefit would the colored man derive by leaving the land of his birth. Did you ever know a man that got rid of a bad name by changing his residence? Is it not better to remain and live down calumny? If he is honest, he will suceed; for the "truth is might and will prevail." The ways of Providence are inscrutable, but I do believe in a retributive justice, and the time will come when justice will be done the colored man, and that too this side of the grave.
I have for the last three or four weeks seen in the columns of the N. Y. Tribune a list of revivals in the churches, and among them the south has her share. I am sorry to be compelled to say my reflections after reading the accounts were anything but favorable to the churches, I have yet to believe a slaveholder capable of remaining on his knees a moment after receiving intelligence of the escape of a slave, or that, one already a
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fugitive, had been caught; in the first place, he would be too anxious to hear the hounds on his track or in the second to wreak vengeance on the ungrateful chattle.
True God is able to accomplish all things, but when such things come to pass, I shall believe the Millennium not far off.
Our friends in Chicago are becoming quite lukewarm and need the voice of yourself or friend Watkins to arouse them. The most of them seem to be satisfied with some excitement in the Churches. Of late, one Denomination have been removing their Church building to another locality, while the others are even inviting you to see the Elephant, for a contribution.
I am not greatly in favor of separate Churches for the Colored people, and am of the opinion that no good has come out of the change. The same objection that is held by many to separate schools exists is this; All wish to lead, that is why they do not wish to stay with the whites.
Very truly yours,
VERITAS.