Resurrecting the First American West

this night we pass by sndy River pretty country we were a little alarms by hearing people walking on the I shore Oct 8^th abo^t 42 miles below P. Pleasant we pass by big Gueandot C^r on the [?] side at this place prospect before us appears to be a little mountainus but the Land very goodnothing remarkable the Beach side generally good Land night came on we pass by little Sciota on the In side in the night Oct 9^t day Breaks when we are Just at the mouth of Big [?] below Canaway

Sciota the prospect before is alittle hilly espesially on the [Vir?] side & lower down on the In side there is some hills the land is all this very good Sciota is 50 miles above Lime stone- good water down to an I called the 18 mile which leave to the left hand 6 miles below you come to the 3 [I:^s? (Islands?)] which keep to the right hand when you get within 5 or 6 miles of Limestone there is 2 or 3 High Hills on Viz side & a settlement beging about 11 mile above Limestone on the Inside Just before you approach Limestone, [insert- we arrive at Lime about 3 oCloc] there appears some few Hills on the I. side [on ? night?]

[insert- Sunday 10 states?] from Limestone to Washington is 4 miles bad Hilly road thence to Mays Lick 4 miles to Blue Lick 12 to Baurbon 20 to Limestone 20- crossing 3 branches of Licking the forks of Elk from wagot to Limestone about 2 oClock saturday night the 9^th Oct the country this far is gen erally poorly timberd & very muddy from Lim^ton to [Curd?] Ferry, at the across Kentuck at the mo of Dicks R. 22 some poor land places pretty well Timberd. thence to Harrod burgs 11 miles poor land but muddy thence to Wilson 27 miles crossing several branches of Salt R. between the fork of Chaplain Cr & another branch of S. R abo^t seven miles back from Wilson is a beautifull tract of well timberd Land poplar Ash &^c very rich from Wilson to the [?] fork is abot 13 miles thence to Beards town 7 miles thence to the fork again [?] Beards Town stand in the Bend of the C^r w^h is about 51 yds [wide?]

thence to the Rolling fork 20 miles thence to Nolin 10 miles theres is a good deal of poor Land on the Road- the Barrens begin a little before get to the waters of Nolin. in the barrens generally there is excellenct Land for wh^t I arrived at Nolin on Sunday the 17^th Oct at Mount Gilead Monday Tuesday Left Mount Gilead & tooke the Road that comes by Pottingers, Lewis Thomas- Sanduskey on this trace there is a great deal of good & well timb -erd land to Danville is 60 miles this way- to [lines?] Co Ho 10 miles Crab Orch^d or S Davis 11- Englishs 3 sett out from thence y^e 11^th Nov. thurday went up Scags Creek- to Rock Castle River 25 miles crossing 2 large Hills thence over little Rock Castle

crossing Racoon C^r abo^t 15 miles thence crossing passing the Hastle patch generally bad Road thence to Richlan] C^r [sup^d?] 15. bad road to flatt Lick 15- to Cumberland Riv 11 bad road to y^e Mo. 13. crossing Yellow C^r bad road.- thence to Nav Sta 7 m. Shadwell 9 pretty good land Martins 9 old valy. 25- Scots 10 [insert- crossings wallen] clinch River 11 crossing Wallens [Penwel?] mo. going down Slack cr ^a bad Ridge very bad road. mackason gap 12. bad road to Block House 3. bad road - to Cam pbell Or. 13 miles Major Fulkinson to Cap. Grayston to Washington 1. Col [Silhan?] Campbell 31. cross whites 3 [wch mid?] fork [?]

at M^r Baines Buchans Phisician Ch^s 12 Sweden -

at M^r Clements Lil. Gram - 6[?] vol spee- Cyphurg books surv^y do Phisic do 2 blk Ditto pack papers

Money taken in with me. viz [?] Gold - 3 H[?] 2 1/2 Guinea 10.9.11 [?] - 3.11 [Pound sign] 14.0.11 also - 8.6 14.9.5 direct a bed of Lettuce & Parstey to be [served?] for ii^d Winter for M^rs Ti,;ess -bake

Atkins Ord. 3 Fort Chizum 19 New Ric English ferry 30 Hans Meadow - 12: Fort Lewis 20. Big flat Lick 12- [?] Leland 10 at [?] Blue Ridge Gap- Year lys at Goor C^r 6. Liberty Fort 12 New Lon 16- Thompson on the Lone Mountain 16 Cap^t Hunters 5. Widow Thomsons - [?] [insert- ? than flood their] [insert- M^rs [Saunders?]] [willis?] 30 Long Onding 8 Bucking Tos Thomson 9 at the forks of the road Powhatan Co- [?] 8 Widow Sumpsoms 16 Richmond 14. Hano 18. arrived Wed' 1^st Dec^r

The Farmer's Library or OHIO INTELLIGENCER. LOUISVILLE, (FALLS OF OHIO) PRINTED BY SAMUEL VAIL. VOL. II. THURSDAY, MAY 6, 1802. NO. LXIX. [Published by Authority] - SEVENTH CONGRESS of the UNITED STATES, at the first session, Begun and held at the city of Wafhing ton. in the Territory of Columbia, on Monday, the Seventh of December, One Thoufand Eight Hundred and One. - AN ACT to amend an act, entitled "An act to lay and collect a direct tax within the United States." BE it enacted by the Senate & Houfe of Reprefentatives of the United States of America, in congrefs affembled, that the collectors in each diftrict fhall prepare and tranfmit to their refpective fupervifors, current lifts of all lands within their refpective collection diftricts, which by the act paffed the 14th day of July, and one thoufand feven hundred and ninety eight, intiroled "An act to lay & collect a direct tax whithin the United States, " they now are or hereafter fhall be authorifed to advertife for fale, fpecifying therein, the perfons in whofe names the affeffments were originally made, & the fums doe therein refpectively; of which lifts it fhall be the duty of the fupervifor, in all cafes, to caufe forrect tranfcripts to be made out, and to caufe to be inferted for five weeks fueceffively, in one or more newfpapers pulifhed within his diftrict, one of which fhall be the gazette in which are publifhed by authority, the laws of the ftate within whofe limits the fsid dfstrict may be comprized, if there by any fuch gazette, a notification, that fuch tranfcripts are lodged at his office, and are open to the free infpection of all parties concerned; and alfo notifying, that the tax doe upon the faid lands may be paid to the collector within whofe divifion the aforelaid lands are contained, of the fupervifor of the diftrict, at any time within the fpace of fix months from the date of fuch notification, and the time when, and places where fales will be made of all lands upon which any part of the direct tax fall remain due af§2. And be it further enacted, That in cafe of failure on the part of the owner or owners of the aforefaid lands net the expiration of the time aforefaid, to pay within the aforefaid time, the full amount of the tax due thereon, the collectors under the directions. & with approbation of their refpective fupervifors, fall immediately proceed to fell at public fale, at the times and places mentioned in the advertifement of the fupervifors, fo much of the lands aforefaid as may be fufficient to fatisfy the fame, together with all the cofts and charges of preparing lifts, advertifing and notifying as a forefaid, and of fales.

§3. And be it further enacted, That the aforefaid tax, including all cofts and charges as aforefaid, fhall be and remain a lieu upon all lands, and other real eftate on which the fame ho been afftfed until the tax due up n the fame, including the cofts and char ges, fhall have been cllected, or unto a fale fhall have been effected, according to the prorifions of this act or af the act to which this is a fupple ment. §4. And be it further enacted, That in all cafes wherein any tract of land may have been affeffed in one affeff ment, which, as the time when fuch affeffment was made, was actually divided into two or more diftinct parcels, each parcel having one or more distinct proprietory or proprietors, it fhall be the duty of the collector to receive in manner aforefaid, from any proprietory of proprietors thus fituated, his or their proportion of the tax due upon such tract, and thereupon, the the land of the proprietor proprietors, upon which the tax fhall have been thus paid, fhall he forever difcharged from any part of the tax due under the original affeffment. §5. And be it further enacted, That in any cafe in which it may have happened that lands actually belonging to one perfon, may have been, or hereafter fhall be affeffed in the name of another, and no fale of the fame fhall yet have been made, the fame proceedings fhall be had for the fale of the aforefaid lands, in order to raife the tax affeffed in relation to the fame, as is provided by the eleventh fection of the act to which this is a fupplement, in the cafe of lands affeffed, the owner whereof is unknown; and fuch fale fhall transfer and pafs to the purchafer, a good and effectual title. §6. And be it further enacted, That the right of redemption referved to the owners of lands and tenements fold under this act, or the act to which this is a fupplement, fhall in no wife. be affected or impaired; Provided always, that the owners of lands, which fhall thus be fold after the paffing of this act, in order to avail themfelves of that right, fhall make payment or render of payment, within two years from the time of fale, for the ufe of the purchafer, his heirs, or affigns, of the amount of the faid tax, cofts, and charges, with the intereft for the fame, at the rate of twenty five per cent. per annum. §7. And be it further enacted, That the fecretary of the treafury shall be and hereby is authorized and empowered, under the direction of the Prefident of the United States, to augment the compenfation fixed by law, for the commiffioner, or for the principal and affistant affeffors, or either of them in any divifion where it may be found neceffary for carrying into effect the act, entitled "an act to provide for the valuation of lands and dwellingplaces, and the enumeration of flaves within the United States," fo howev er, as that the commiffioner fhall in no cafe recieve more than five dollar per day, which additional corpera tion fhall be fubject to the fame rules of fettlement as are eftablifhed by the laft aforefaid. NATHANIEL MACON. Speaker of the Houfe of Reprefentatives. AARON BURR. Vice Prefident of the United States, & Prefident of the Senate. Approved, March 16, 1802 TH JEFFERSON, Prefident of the United States. - Congress of the United States. SENATE. Thursday Jan. 14, 1802. DEBATE an Afr. Breckenridge's motion to repeal the act paffed last feffon for a new organization of the JUDICIARY SYSTEM. [Mr. Morris, in continuation] In this increafe of numbers, with a ftill greater increafe of wealth, with the extenfion of our commerce and progrefs of the area, it was evident that although a great many tribunals would become neceffary, it was impoffable to determine either on the precife number or the moft convenient form. The convention did not pretend to this prefeience; but, had they poffeffed it, would it have been proper to have eftablifhed then all the tribunals neceffary for all future times? Would it have been wife to have planted courts among the Chickafaws, the Chocktaws, the Cherokees, the Tufcaroras, and God knows how many more, becaufe at fome future day the regions over which they roam might be cultivated by policed men? Was it not proper, wife and neceffary to leave in the difcretion of congrefs, the number and the kind of courts which they might find it proper to eftablifh for the purpofe defignated by the conflitution. this fimple flatement of facts, facts of public notoriety, is alone a fufficient comment on and explication of the word on which gentlemen have fo much relied. The convention in framing, the people in adopting this comapct, fay the judicial power fhall extend to many cafes, the original cognizance whereof fhall be by the interior courts; but it is neither neceffary, nor even poffible, now to determine their number or their form; that effential power therefore fhall veft in fuch inferior courts as the congrefs may from time to time, in the progreffion of time and according to the inditation of circumftances, eftablifh.- Nor provide, ordain, or determine, not eftablifh. Not a mere temporary provifion, but an eftablifhment. If after this it had faid in general terms, that judges fhould hold their offices during good behavior, could a doubt have exifted on the interpretation of this act, under all its attending circumftances, that the judges of the inferior covers were intended, as well as thofe of the Supreme court? But did the framers of the confitution flop there? Is there then nothing more? Did they refque on thefe pramnatieal niceties the fate of America? Did they sit here the moft important branch of our government? Little important, indeed, as to foreign danger; but infinitely valuable to out domeftic police and to our perfonal protection against the opprefion of the rulers. No. Left a doubt fhould be raifed, they have carefully connected the judges of both courts in the fame fentence; they have faid "the judges both of the fupreme and interior courts," thus coupling them inferperably together. You can cut the bands, but you can never untie them. With falutary caution they devifed this claufe, to arreft the everbearing tentper which they knew belonged to legiflative bodies. they do not fay the judges finply, but the judges of the fupreme and inferior courts fhall hold their offices during good behavior.- They fay therefore to the legiflature you may judge of the prepriery, the utility, the neceffity of organizing thefe courts; but when eftablifhed you have done your duty. Anticipating the courfe of paffion in future times they fay to the legiflature, you fhall not difgrace yourfelves by exhibiting the indecent fpectacle of judges eftablifhed by one legiflature removed by another. We will fave you alfo from yourfelves. We fay here judges fhall hold their offices: and furely, fir, to pretend that they can hold their office after the office is deftroyed is contemptible. The framers of this confliction had feen much, read much and deeply reflected. They knew by experience the violence of pupular bodies, and let it be remembered that fince that day many of the ftates, taught by experience, have found it neceffary to change their forms of government to avoid the effects of that violence.- The convention contemplated the very act you now attempt. They knew alfo the jealoufy and the power of the ftates; and they eftablifhed for your and for their protection, this moft important department. I beg gentlemen to hear and to remember what I fay. It is this department alone, and it is the independence alone of this department, which can face you from civil war. Yes, fir, adopt the language of gentlemen, fay with them, by the act to which you are urged, "if we cannot remove the judges we can destroy them." Eftablifh thus the dependence of the judiciary department. Who will refort to them for protection againft you? Who will confide in, who will be board by their decrees? Are we then to refort to the ultimate reafn of Kings! Are our arguments By from the mounts of our cannon?

We are told that we may violate our constitution, because fimiliar constitutions have been violated elsewhere. Two states have been cited to that effect, Maryland and Virginia. The hon. gentleman from Virginia tells us that when this happened in the state he belongs to, no complaint was made by the judges. I will not enquire into that fact, although I have the protest of the judges now lying before me. Judges eminent for their learning, respectable for their virtue. I will not enquire what constitutions have been violated. I will not ask either when or where this dangerous practice began, or has been followed. I will admit the fact. What does it prove? Does it prove that because they have violated, we also may violate? Does it not prove directly the contrary? Is it not the strongest reason on earth for preserving the independence of our tribunals? If it be true that they have with strong hand seized their courts, and bent them to their will, ought we not to give suitors a fair chance for justice in our courts, or must the suffering citizen be deprived of all protection?

The gentleman from Virginia has called our attention to certain cases which he considers as forming necessary exceptions to the principles for which we contend. Permit me to say that necessity is a bad law; and frequently proves too much; and let the gentleman recollect that arguments which prove too much prove nothing.

He has instanced a case where it may be proper to appoint commissioners for a limited time to settle some particular discription of controversies. Undoubtedly it is always in the power of congress to form a board of commissioners for particular purposes. He asks are these inferior courts, & must they also exist forever? I answer that the nature of their offices must depend on the law by which they are created, if called to exercise the judicial functions designated by the consitution they must have an existence conformable to its injunctions.

Again he has instanced the Missisippi Territory, claimed by, and which may be surrendered to the state of Georgia, & a part of the union which may be conquered by a foreign enemy. And he asks triumphantly are our inferior courts to remain after our jurisdiction is gone? This case rests upon a principle so simple that I am surprised the honorable member did not perceive the answer in the very moment when he made the objection. Is it by our act that a country is taken from us by a foreign enemy? Is it by our consent that our jurisdiction is lost? I had the honor, in speaking the other day, expressly and for the most obvious reasons, to except the case of conquest. As well might we contend for the government of a town swallowed up by an earthquake.

General Mason explained - He had supposed the case of territory conquered and afterwards ceded to the conquerer, or some other territory ceded in lieu of it.

Mr. Morris, The case is precisely the same. Until after the peace the conquest is not complete. Every body knows that until the cession by treaty, the original owner has the postliminary right to a territory taken from him - Beyond all question where congress are compelled to cede the territory, the judges can no longer exist unless the new sovereign confer the office. Over such a territory the authority of the constitution ceases, and of course the rights which it confers.

It is laid, the judicial institution is intended for the benefit of the people, and not of the judge; and it is complained of, that in speaking of the office, we say it is his office. Undoubtedly the institution is for the benefit of the people. But the question remains how will it be rendered most beneficial? Is it by making the judge independent, by making it his office, or is it by placing him in a state of abject dependence, so that the office shall be his to-day and belong to another to- morrow? Let the gentleman hear the words of the constitution; it speaks of their offices, consequently as applied to a single judge of his office, to be exercised by him for the benefit of the people of America, to which exercise his independence is as necessary as his office.

The gentleman from Virginia has on this occasion likened the judge to a bridge, and to various other objects; but I hope for his pardon, if while I admire the lofty flights of his eloquence, I abstain from noticing observations which I conceive to be utterly irrelevant.

The fame hon. member has not only given us his history of the supreme court, but has told us of the manner in which they do business, and expressed his fears that having little else to do, they will do mischief. - We are not competent, sir, to examine, nor ought we to prejudge, their conduct. I am persuaded that they will do their duty, and presume they will have the decency to believe that we do our duty. In so far as they may be busied with the great mischief of checking the legislative or executive departments in any wanton invasion of our rights, I shall rejoice in that mischief. - I hope indeed they will not be so busied, because I hope we shall give them no cause. But also I hope they will keep an eagle eye upon us left we should. It was partly for this purpose they were established, and I trust that when properly called on they will dare to act. I know this doctrine is unpleasant. I know it is more popular to appeal to public opinion, that equivocal, transient being, which exists no where and every where. But if ever the occasion call for it, I trust that the supreme court will not neglect doing the great mischief of having this constitution, which can be done much better by their deliberations, than by resorting to what are called revolutionary measures.

The hon. member from NorthCarolina, sore prest by the delicate situation in which he is placed, thinks he has discovered a new argument in favor of the vote which he is instructed to give. As far as I can enter into his ideas, and trace their progress, he seems to have assumed the position which was to be proved, and then searched through the constitution, not to discover whether the legislature have the right contended for, but whether, admitting them to possess it, there may not be something which might comport with that idea. I shall state the honorable member's arguments, as I understand it, and if mistaken pray to be corrected. He read to us that clause which relates to impeachment, and comparing it with that which fixes the tenure of judicial office, has observed that this clause must relate solely to a removal by the executive power whose right to re move though not indeed any where mentioned in the constitution, has been admitted in a practice founded on legislative construction.

That is the tenure of the office is during good behavior, be as the clause respecting impeachment, does not specify misbehavior, there is evidently a cause of removal, which cannot be reached by impeachment, & of course (the executive not being permitted to remove) the right must necessarily devolve on the legislature. Is this the honorable member's argument? If it be, the reply is very simple. Misbehavor is not a term known in our law. - The idea is expressed by the word misdemeanor; which word is in the clause quoted respecting impeachment. Taking therefore the two together, and speaking plain old English, the constitution says: 'The judges shall hold their offices as long as they shall demean themselves well, but if they shall misdemean, if they shall on impeachment be convicted of misdemeanor, they shall be removed. Thus, sir, the honorable member will find that the one clause is just as broad as the other. He will see, therefore, that the legislature can assume no right from the deficiency of either, and will find that this clause which he relied on goes, if rightly understood, to the confirmation of our doctrine.

Is there a member of this house, who can lay his hand on his heart and say that consistently with the plain words of our constitution, we have a right to repeal this law? I believe not. And if we undertake to construe this constitution to our purposes, and say that public opinion is to be our judge, there is an end to all constitutions. To what will not this dangerous doctrine lead? Should it to day be the popular wish to destroy the first magistrate, you can destroy him. And should he to-morrow be able to conciliate to him the popular will, & lead them to wish for your destruction, it is easily effected. Adopt this principle, and the whim of the mo ment will not only be the law, but the constitution of our country.

The gentleman from Virginia has mentioned a great nation brought to the feet of one of her servants. But why is she in that situation? Is it not because popular opinion was called on to decide every thing, until those, who wore bayonets, decided for all the rest. Our situation is peculiar. At present our national compact can prevent a state from acting hostile towards the general interest. But let this compact be destroyed and each state becomes instantaneously vested with absolute sovereignty. - Is there no instance of a similar situation to be found in history? Look at the states of Greece. They were once in a condition not unlike to that in which we should then stand. They treated the recommendations of their Amphictionic Council (which was more a meeting of ambassadors than a legislative assembly) as we did the resolutions of the old congress. Are we wise? So were they. - Are we valient? They also were brave. - Have we one common language, and are we united under one head? In this also there is a strong resemblance. But by their divisions, they became at first victims of the ambition of Philip, and were at length swallowed up in the Roman empire. Are we to form an exception to the general principles of human nature, and to all the examples of history? Are are the maxims of experience to become false, when applied to our fate?

Some, indeed, flatter themselves, that our distiny will be like that of Rome. Such indeed it might be if we had the same wise but vile aristocracy under whose guidance they became the masters of the world. But we have not that strong aristocratic arm, which can seize a wretched citizen, scourged almost to death by a remorseless creditor, turn him into the ranks, and bid him as a soldier bear our Eagle in triumph round the globe. I hope to God we shall never have such an abominable institution. But what, I ask, will be the situation of these States (organized as they now are) if by the dissolution of our national compact they be left to themselves? What is the probably result? We shall either be the victims of foreign intrigue, and split into factions, fall under the denomination of a foreign power, or else after the misery and torment of civil war, become the subjects of an usurping military despot. What but this compact? What but the specific part of it, can save us from ruin? The judicial power; that fortress of the constitution, is now to be overturned. Yes, with honest Ajax I would not only throw a shield before it, I would build around it a wall of brass. But I am too weak to defend the rampart against the host of assailants. I must call to my assistance, their good sense, their patriotism, and their virtue. Do not, gentlemen, suffer the rage of passion to drive reason, from her seat. If this law be indeed bad, let us join to remedy the defects. Has it been passed in a manner which wounded your pride, or roused your resentment? Have, I conjure you, the magnanimity to pardon that offence. I entreat, I emplore you, to sacrifice those angry passions to the interests of our country. Pour out this price of opinion on the alter of patriotism. Let it be an expiatory libation for the weal of America. Do not, for God's sake, do not suffer that pride to plunge us all into the abyss of ruin. Indeed, indeed, it will be but little, very little avail, whether one opinion or the other be right or wrong - it will heal no wound, it will pay no debts, it will rebuild no ravaged towns- Do not rely on that popular will, which has brought us frail beings into political existence? That opinion is but a changable thing. It will soon change. This very measure will change it. You will be deceived. Do not I beseech you, in reliance on a foundation so frail, commit the dignity, the harmony the existence of our nation to the wild wind. Trust not your treasure to the waves. Throw not your compass and your charts into the ocean. Do not believe that its billows will waft you into port. Indeed, indeed, you will be deceived. Oh, case not away this only anchor of our safety. I have seen its progress. I know the difficulties through which it was obtained. I stand in the presence of Almity God, and of the world. I declare to you, that if you lose this charter, never! no never! will you get another. We are now perhaps arrived at the parting point. Here, even here, we stand on the brink of fate. Pause - Pause - For heaven's sake pause!

Copy of the Convention between Lord Hawkesbury & Mr. King, Jan. 8, 1802.

Difficulties having arise in the execution of the 6th article of the treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation concluded at London, on the 14th of November, 1794, between his Britannic majesty and the United States of America, and inconsequence thereof, the proceedings of the commissioners under the 7th article of the same treaty having been suspended the parties to the said treaty being equally desirour as far as may be, to obviate such difficulties, have respectively named Plenipotentiaries to treat and agree, respecting the same: that is to say, his Britannic majesty, has named for his Plenipotentiary, the right honorable Robert Banks Jenkinson, commonly called Lord Hawkesbury, one of his majesty's most honorable privy council, and his principal secretary of state for foreign affairs; and the President

of the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate thereof, has named for their Plenipotentiary, Rufus King, Esq. Minister Plenipotentiary of the said United States, to his Britanic majesty, who have agreed to and concluded the following articles:

Art. 1. In satisfaction and discharge of the money which the United States might been liable to pay in pursuance of the provisions of the said 6th article which is hereby declared to be cancelled and annulled, except so far as the same may relate to the execution of the said 7th article, the United States of America hereby engage to pay, and his Britannic majesty consents to accept for the use of the persons described in the said 6th article, 600,000 pounds sterling, payable at the time & place and in the manner following, that is to say, the said 600,000l. sterling shall be paid at the City of Washington in three annual instalments of 200,000l. sterling each, and to such person or persons as shall be authorized by his Britannic majesty to receive the same; the first of the said instalments to be paid at the expiration of one year; the second instalment at the expiration of two years, and the third and last instalment at the expiration of three years next following the exchange of the ratifications of this convention: and to prevent any disagreement concerning the rate of exchange, the said payments shall be paid in the money of the United States, reckoning 4 dollars and 44 cents to be equal to one pound sterling.

Art. 2. Whereas it is agreed by the fourth article of the definitive treasty of peace, concluded at Paris on the third day of September 1793, between his Britannic majesty and the United States that creditors on the other side should meet with no lawful impediments to the recovery of the full value in sterling money of all bonafide debts theretofore contracted, it is hereby declared that the said fourth article, so far as it respects its future operation, it is hereby recognized, confirmed, & declared to be binding and obligatory upon his Britannic majesty & the said U. States, & the same shall be accordingly observed with punctuality and good faith. - And so the said creditors shall hereafter meet with no lawful impediment to the recovery of the full value in sterling money of their bonafied debts.

Art. 3. It is furthermore agreed & concluded that the commissioners appointed in pursuance of the seventh article of the said treaty of amity, commerce and navigation, and whose proceedings have been suspended as aforesaid, shall immediately after the signature of this convention, reassemble & proceed in the execution of their duties according to the provisions of the said seventh article, except only that instead of the sums awarded by the said commissioners being made payable at the time or times by them appointed, all sums of money by them awarded to be paid to America or British claimants, according to the provisions of the said seventh article, shall be made payable in three equal instalments, the first whereof to be paid at the expiration of one year, & the second at the expiration of two years, and the third and last at the expiration of three years, next after the exchange of the ratifications of this convention.

Art. 4. This convention when the same shall have been ratified by his majesty and the President of the Uni. ted States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate therefore & the respective ratifications duly exchanged, shall be binding and obligatory upon his majesty and the said United States. In faith whereof, we the un dersigned Plenipotentiaries of his Bri tannic majesty and of the United States of America, by virtue of our respective full powers, have signed the present convention, and have caused the seals of our arms to be affixed thereto.

Done at London the 8th day of Jan. 1802. L.S. HAWKESBURY. L.S. RUFUS KING.

NEW-YORK, April 10.

The ship Liberty, from Liverpool, arrived at this port last evening. She left Liverpool on the 3d March, at which time no intelligence had been received there of the signing of the definitive treaty. Superfine flour was selling at 38 to 40 shillings.

The letters by the Liberty will not be delivered from the post office until this morning. Her London papers are to the 25th Feb. which, as we are informed by a passenger on board, contain no news.

We learn from New Orleans, by Capt. Sesson, that an embargo was to be laid on all vessels in that port, on the 12th of March, by order of the French government; & that a French commandant for New Orleans was hourly expected.

PHILADELPHIA, April 16.

INTERESTING INFORMATION.

Advices were yesterday received from the Havanna, which announce that the court of Madrid have granted permission for the exportation of specie, free duty, from the Spanish dominions, for the purchase of shipping. This information we derive from an authority, next to official.

The foregoing intelligence we presume is of considerable magnitude to the merchants of the United States; as in consequence of the peace in Europe, we are in possession of a great surplusage of shipping, which hereby we shall be enabled to dispose of to advantage.

An article from Genoa, dated the 25th Jan. says:

"If we may give credit to letters from Tunis the grand seignior has given notice to all the powers of Barbary, that they must at a fixed period release all the Slaves in their posses sion, of whatsoever nation they may be.

NATCHEZ, March 17. PRICES CURRENT.

Wanted Immediately,

As apprentices to the cabinet-making business, one or two Boys 15 or 16 years of age, that can come well recommnended. JAMES S. WAIDE. Louisville, May 3d, 1802.

LOUISVILLE May 6, 1802.

My Dear Fellow Countrymen, When the artillery of a garrison is hard to be dismounted, no wonder if long time he taken in preparing for an assault. But as the great gun Competency is not to be found in the garrison F-d, it is to be hoped that the people of Jefferson will no longer trust in that fortification.

There is neither difficulty nor glory in sacking a fort where the guns are charged with squibs and the soldiers destitute of a wise commander, therefore Gen. Philanthropy intends to encamp until Gen. Goodsense takes the command of the garrison F-d, & then if he cannot take it by storm he will endeavor to undermine it.

A MORALIST, Metamorphosed into a SOLDIER.

SACRED TO THE MUSES. I make no doubt but you have seen, The playful boys upon the green Choose out two dogs, & for their fun, Encourage, clap, and hiss them on - Furious they growl and snap, not bite, So war the quills when dunces write.

The Subscriber has for Sale a large quantity of Writing Paper of an excellent qality, which he will dispose of on very moderate terms by the Ream or single quire -

Also a quantity of Medium and Royal Retrieve, suitable for wrapping paper for Merchants, Hatters, &c.

Also, a number of Blank Books of different discriptions. SAMUEL VAIL.

N. B. Those who are indebted to me for Books, Advertising, or Subscriptions to the FARMER's LIBRARY, are requested to make payment by the first of June next, at which time I have a particular demand to satisfy. S VAIL.

Taken up by Enoch Davis, Jefferson County, on the Transylvania Saminary lands, waters of Goose- Creek, a Dark Brown Mare, supposed to be three years old this spring, the brand dire, but supposed thus G.B. both hind feet white, above the pasture joints, a small bell fastened on with a leather collar sewed with a buckskin whang - Appraised to L 6 15 s.

Also a dark Iron Grey Filly, supposed to be 2 years old this spring, the near hind foot white, no brand perceivable, a star and long snip extending from her right nostril up towards the star - Appraised to L 6 by John Core and George White, before me the 16th day of March, 1802. W. WHITE, J.P. A Copy - Teste, WORDEN POPe, Cl'k.

NOTICE,

That the Plantation and Tract of Land upon which the late JOHN THRUSTON resided, in Jefferson County, is for sale. This tract of land is part of an old Military Survey, ,and a deed with general warranty will be made to the purchaser. The price and manner of payment may be kown by applying to Mr. Thos. January of Lexington; or to Col. Alexander S. Bullitt, or the Subscriber of Jefferson County, who are authorized by the will of the decedent to sell the said property. EDMUND H. TAYLOR, Executor. May 4th, 1802. 69-2m.

To all whom it may concern.

Whereas the Securities of Frederick Bartlett, late High Sheriff of the County of Jefferson, are likely to suffer greatly in consequence of the perplexed situation of the said Bartlett's affairs; they therefore have agreed to meet on Tuesday the 18th Instant, at the Office of Worden Pope, Esp. in Louisville, in order to come to an agreement among themselves to make arrangements for the payment of the arrearages of said Bartlett. All persons having claims against said Sheriff are requested to meet the Securities on said day. Fred. Geiger, Adam Hoke, John Miller, Ro: M'Kown Louisville, May 6th, 1802. N. B

All the Securities are requested to attend on that day.

FOR SALE, A likely Negro Woman and Child, about 20 or 25 years old, a good hand for House work or to work in the field. Any person inclining to purchase for terms apply to Mr. John Nelson, Louisville, or John Murphy, in Bruer's Town.

ILLINOIS GRANT LAND.

I have five or six tracts of Land lying in the Illinois Grant, some equal to any, which I will dispose of for Cash or Negroes. MARSTON G. CLARK. April 22d, 1802 671f

I do hereby forewarn all persons from fishing or angling on Rock Island at the lower end of the Falls of Ohio, unless they shall have obtained a permission from myself or agents for that purpose. NICHOLAS MERIWETHER. 26th April, 1802.

One hundred and fifty Dollars Reward.

On new year's night, the Subscribers' store in Alexandria, (Potomac) was broke open and robbed of about 1000 dollars worth of property, viz- 100 dollars in silver, 2 pieces of blue cloths, 2 pieces of smoke, 1 piece of brown mixture, 1 piece of black mixture, and 1 piece of London brown cloths, (mostly superfine) a variety of striped and cross-barred swansdown, cassimers, dimities, mersailles, camels-hair tambored shawls, also brown silk shawls with fring, red, chocolate colored, and blue bandannas, and yellew flag silk handkerchiefs, black and light colored sewing silk, a variety of stockings, consisting of womens, blue stockings with white clocks, also woments' white worsted, and mens' fancy cotton stockings, many pieces sprigged muslins, marked with a black-lead pencil, thus ol. Al. on the outside of the pieces, and many more goods not remembered. The above reward will be paid for the property and robbers convicted, or one hundred dollars for the property alone. The persons suspected, are two white men, in short blue, and a mulatto, in light dress; were seen about 50 miles from Marietta, moving towards the river Ohio.

Jona. & Mahlo Scholfield Alexandria, March 8, 1802.

The printers in Kentucky are requested to insert this in their papers.