p.

7

public, may be well founded. But with regard to intelli-
gence, it may be questioned whether such a portion of it
can be imparted to the mass of citizens as will secure the
public from the most injurious, if not fatal, mistakes. And
as to genuine virtue, based on divine authority, are we au-
thorized to expect this to exist, unless in a millennial state?

But if a correct understanding of the public interest
would, in any case, secure a pure administration, under
wise and impartial rulers, how is it possible to prevent de-
ception and mistake among the people? The press must be
free, and if free, it will often be used as the instrument of
deception. How is this evil to be prevented? If it cannot
be prevented, then the use of intelligence is defeated.

It appears to me, Sir, that there are radical errors in the
opinions of our citizens in regard to the principles on which
a republican government is to be founded, and the means by
which it is to be supported. The constitutions of govern-
ment in the United States commence with a declaration of
certain abstract principles, or general and indefinite propo-
sitions; as that all men are born free and equal, or all men
are created equal. But as universal propositions, can they
be true? In what sense are men born free? If they are
born under a despotic government, they are not born free.
But in any government, children are born, subject to the
control of their parents, and this by the express ordinance
of the Creator. No man will question the right or the ex-
pedience of parental government; it is for the benefit of the
child that he should not be free, till he has acquired strength
to procure his own subsistence, and knowledge or wisdom
to direct his voluntary actions.