Port Denison Times, 12 June 1869, p2

[banner] THE P. D. TIMES

SATURDAY, JUNE 12, 1869.

THE aboriginal question is again asserting its claim to our attention on all hands and in louder tones than ever. First and foremost, we see daily in the midst of us numbers of the former lords and ladies of the soil in almost their native costume, marching about with that lordly air that that so distinguishes them, and apparently taking stock, diligently spying out the nakedness of the land and the weak points, may be, of its holders. So far no one can have any objection. Indeed, it is far better to see them coming thus fearlessly amongst us than to know that they are skulking in the scrubs, cowering from fear of the white man's bullet, their hand against every (white) man's and every (white) man's hand against them. But on the other hand, it becomes us as invaders to enforce submission to our laws on the part of the conquered. We have hitherto done this by the strong hand— that is to say by unhesitating recourse to powder and ball. Against this system all right-feeling men have thoroughout [sic] revolted, and it has lately been hoped that the time had come when, with due regard to our own safety, a milder system might be inaugurated, and more friendly relations established between us and those whom we supplanted. How to effect this is the problem now before us, and it is needless to say that it is by no means an easy one. In the first place, of course it would under any circumstances be absurd to expect any kindly feeling to exist towards us in the breasts of the blackfellows, especially so shortly after the reign of terror by which they have hitherto been kept in subjection. In whatever plan we may adopt with respect to them we shall do well to bear in mind that their feelings towards us are and must be those of resentment and hositility, and that however the exhibition of those feelings may be restrained by motives of policy on their part, they do exist and probably will continue to do so as long as the race lasts, and that this smouldering fire is at all times ready to break into flame when favourable conditions offer. Whilst, therefore, it is one of our foremost duties to escape as soon as possible from the terrible necessities which our position has forced upon us, we must not cease to be firm, and must take especial care to show our black neighbours that whilst we are willing, nay anxious, to hold our hands from slaughter, we are at the same time determined to enforce at all hazards and by any means submission to our laws; and that any infraction of them will be met by retribution prompt and severe. If we do not we shall be failing in our duty alike to them and to ourselves. For we shall not only endanger the safety of our own citizens, which after all should be our first care, but we shall render inevitable a return to the bloody system the possible termination of which we have all regarded with so much hope and pleasure. Upon the attitude we now assume depends in a very great degree the amount of success that we may hope to achieve in the solution of this problem. Times of change from one system to another, that is of revolution, have in all cases their peculiar elements of danger. One of the first maxims of such periods is principiis obsta—that is, check anything that appears likely to disturb the working of the new system at the outset. It is far the wisest and most merciful plan. For this reason we hold that the action taken by the Sergeant of Police as described in our last issue, we mean that of flogging the gin who had stolen the child's petticoat, was, though perhaps not strictly legal, quite the right thing to do under the circumstances. We should not perhaps have alluded to this but that during the past week there have come under our notice several instances of offences committed by the blackfellows, which though not in themselves of very henious [sic] nature are just such as, if allowed to pass unchecked, will embolden the savages and lead to more serious outrages and eventually to the undoing of whatever progress has been made in the direction of placing

though not in themselves of a very henious [sic] nature are just as, if allowed to pass unchecked, will embolden the savages and lead to more serious outrages, and eventually to the undoing of whatever progress has been made in the direction of placing our blackfellow policy on a better footing than heretofore. One of the instances to which we refer occurred at Muller's garden the other day, when one of them cut down a valuable peach tree, we suppose from the fancy that it would make a good waddy, and perhaps being unaware that it was good for anything else; and another broke, we do not know exactly under what circumstances, a grindstone belonging to Muller; but assuming that both deeds were committed without malice, we maintain that in both cases they ought to have been punished, if only to teach them better for the future, but chiefly to teach those principles of submission which our position renders it so necessary for us to enforce. Another of the occurrences to which we have alluded was this:—A blackfellow who had not in any way submitted to the change of fashion, but adhered strictly to the primitive costume of his ancestors, was basking on one of the grass-plots in Herbert-street, near the lock-up. One of the constables who saw him under these circumstances very properly ordered him out of the town until he should amend his costume. The noble savage went, but when he had attained what he considered a safe distance from the constable be picked up a stone and threw it at him. Here there could be no question as to the malice, for we presume no one will contend that the blackfellow thought he was doing right, we mean what could be sanctioned by our laws, in throwing the stone at the constable. This case, therefore, was certainly one that called for punishment, and severer punishment than the other two. The questions as to how and by whom punishment is to be inflicted in these cases are not quite so easy to answer. It would be by no means good policy as a general rule to entrust those injured with it, though many cases might arise where, especially under present circumstances, it would be necessary to wink at their so doing. To devise some means for obviating this necessity is part

of the task before us. We have before us a scheme the result of much thought on the part of a gentleman of considerable experience in dealing with aboriginals in other parts of Australia, of which the following is an outline:—

That it is desirable that reserves of the public lands should be set apart for the use of the aboriginals, and that one of such reserves should be established in each police district.

That as there can be no civilisation without labour, so labour should be made the medium of civilisation with the aboriginals of Northern Queensland, leaving whatever amount of religion they are capable of understanding to be imparted by the voluntary services of clergymen and others, as enforced religious teaching has been a decided failure in all the colonies where it has been tried.

In order to carry out these in detail it would be necessary to appoint a manager to each reserve who understood the blacks thoroughly, and who should have charge of a certain amount of rations and slop clothing, and whose duty it should be to endeavour to induce the blacks to camp on his reserve and to do a few hours work every day in either clearing the land, fencing, or cultivating, in return for which he should give every one that worked a certain amount of rations and tobacco. They would thus learn to be useful to other settlers who might require them, and might in a short time be made in a great measure to replace the Kanakas, to whom in many things they are preferable. No rations or tobacco should be given to those who will not work, otherwise they will look for it as a right and will not work for it.

When a piece of ground, however small, has been cleared it might be broken up and planted with cotton, which would be the easiest thing to cultivate and also the most useful branch of cultivation for them to learn, as they would have no inducement to pillage the crop as they would in the case of sugar cane or corn.

We find that we cannot afford sufficient space to discuss the merits or demerits of this scheme on this occasion, and perhaps it will be as well that in so important a matter our readers should have the opportunity of considering it over before we go more fully into it.

So much for the Bowen or Don River blacks or whatever they are properly called. We would, however, before leaving this part of our subject, utter one word of warning to our white fellow-citizens, and that is not to forget, as we said above, that the blackfellows are by force of circumstances our enemies, and that their feelings towards us, however much fear or policy may smooth the behaviour, are those of undying hostility. In fact they hate a white man and the very sight of him, and we do not well see how they could do otherwise. Gratitude, except as "a lively sense of favours to come," or perhaps a fear of future punishment, they have none, and it would be very odd if they had, at least for what the white men are pleased to consider favours bestowed. The moral of all this is that we should not allow ourselves to be thrown off our guard in our dealings with them. This bears especially upon two most important matters, to which we have on former occasions made allusion—we mean those of supplying the blackfellows with intoxicating liquors, and of having intercourse with their gins. We do not think that at present any drink has been given them, but fear lest when people get more familiarised with the blackfellows their caution in this particular should relapse. With regard to the latter point we have no positive information, but we fear that the same prudence has not been exercised. It is well that we should repeat that this is a an indictable offence severely punishable, and hope that the police will in any cases both of this and of the above-mentioned offence that come to their knowledge prosecute to the utmost rigour of the law, as they are pregnant with the gravest dangers to the community.

We will now leave the blacks of our immediate neighbourhood and say a few

munity. We will now leave the blacks of our immediate neighbourhood and say a few words with respect to the Inkerman tribe, with whom, from what we hear, very different measures are required. The time has evidently not yet arrived for quiet dealings with them. It appears in the first place that they are in the habit of bailing travellers up at a place called Slaty Creek, about 9 miles on this side of the Burdekin. One German they stripped of all that he possessed, clothes and all, and so strong are they in numbers that the other day they hustled and very seriously annoyed a party of six men coming along the road. The mailman finds it necessary to carry firearms to protect himself from them. At Inkerman itself the inhabitants are in a very dangerous predicament. A Brisbane blackfellow, named Whistler, who has been living for a long time on the station, and is thoroughly acquainted with it, has gone out to the bush and is living with the native blacks. Besides this there have bee two or three gins working about the kitchen for some time; these the blackfellows have called into camp and will not permit any longer to remain on the station. There is, however, a boy left, to whom it has been intimated that it is the intention of the blackfellows to storm the station, kill and mutilate all the white men, but to take possession of the horses and use them for cattle-hunting. The hands on the station are in a great state of alarm, and Mr. Rowlands, the line repairer in charge of the telegraph, thinks it advisable to pass his nights at the station, where they all sleep with their arms by their sides. The cattle at Inkerman too have been speared to a great extent lately. This state of things cannot of course be allowed to continue, and it is to be hoped that Mr. Thomson, who has charge of this district, and to whom information has been given, has ere this taken those strong measures which in such a case it is the wisest and most merciful course to adopt promptly. [centred] =================

RESIGNATION OF MR FITZGERALD.

Mr. Fitzgerald has resigned his seat for the