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In other words, to introduce a formula used in the Declaration of Independence. civil society makes possible the pursuit of happiness, but not happiness. That is the affair of the individuals. [Foom?] this follows a point with which Marx was very much concerned: a split between the public life and the private life. between the division or subject. on the one hand. and the private individual. The citizen is concerned with a self-preservation. The whole apparatus of the state is nothing but a big apparatue for self-perservation as you can see even today if you consider the importance of police officers. But now it is important: while the self-preservation is the basic thing which has an objective charactoer that - what we desire. that we desire. is happiness, because we want self-preservation but no one is siatsifed with mere preservation. So the higher is private. The public is the basic but not very exciting. One-- in the language of Locke. for example, one would have to say there is a difference between self-preservation. bare self-preservation. and comfortable self-preservation. The bare self-preservation is guaranteed by the government. Comfortable self-preservation : that is everybody's own business. Now you see here in [germ?] the distinction between state and society. The state takes care of self-preservation by guaranteeing the security of each. but the real life of man. the interesting life of man. concerns not bare self-preservation. but the comfortable self-preservation which can even consist. for example. in going to theaters .[Yes]? Some people need that for their happiness. but that is nothing for the state. So when- state. the formula of Max Weber. is characterised by the monopoly of compulsion and that has. according to the original notion. the function of guaranteeing self-preservation. Society is the sphere of freedom where everyone tries to do and does to some extent : what he wants. The freedom ... but naturally freedom in and through competition. and one of the great objections of Max against the earlier doctrines is that they did not succeed in bridging the gulf between state and society and therefore the only solution in his opinion is abolish the state in the end. but that stems from this basic principle which we [did?] already in the first wave.

Now we could turn to the second wave which is much closer to Marx and about which I have to speak at much greater length. Now I would like first to say a very general word about Rousseau. I think it is time that this be said again. When we look at these great antagonists around 1789 after Rousseau.s death but still he was still very much alive because there was a French Revolution going on [merely]? Burke and Rousseau. I for one cannot help feeling that Burke is a much sounder better helper for practical politics than Rousseau is but on the other hand one must also say and especially today where we all are so very conservative that however impossible Rousseaus doctrine is true but it is a repeat that is not meant to say that Rousseaus doctrine is true but it is a very profound and seminal doctrine. Now Rousseau began his career with a prize essay on the sciences and arts. the so-called First Discourse. in which he attacked the sciences and arts in the name of virtue. Within - the politcal meaning of this writing is this: the ancients talk in their political writing all the time of virtue. The moderns talk all the time of trade and money. You see how strong the economic element was at the very beginning in modern political thought and Rousseau takes. in this respect. the side of the ancients. Furthermore. in the first wave of modern political philosophy enlightenment played an absolutely decisive role. One can state this precisely as follows. Self-preservation is the principle and self-preservation means also. practically speaking. fear of death. What Hobbes says or presupposes - he says fear of death is the greatest power [ ir?]