1915-12-03 Greenville Piedmont

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12031915 11
Needs Review

12031915 11

[across all columns] FOUR GREENVILLE DAILY PIEDMONT, TUESDAY, DECEMBER 7, 1915.

[Column 1]

Greenville Daily Piedmont Established 1824. Every afternoon except Sunday. At [317?] S. Main St., Greenville, S. C. ____________________________________ ASSOCIATED PRESS DISPATCHES ____________________________________ HAROLD C. BOOKER, Editor ____________________________________ TELEPHONES: Business Office . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 230 Editorial Rooms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 607 Society Editor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [280?] ____________________________________ SUBSCRIPTION RATES. Strictly Cash in Advance. By carriers in the City. One Year . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . $5.00 Six Months . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.50 Three Months. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.25 One Month . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .45 By Mail One Year . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . $3.00 One Month. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .25 ____________________________________ Entered at the Greenville Postoffice as mail matter of second class. ____________________________________ The Greenville Daily Piedmont will publish brief and rational letters on subjects of general interest when they are signed by their authors and are not of defamatory nature. ____________________________________ The Piedmont is a member of the Audit Bureau of the Carolinas. It was the first paper in South Carolina to join that organization which is controlled by advertisers and whose audit of circulations is accurate. An advertiser should know the circulation of a newspaper in which he buys space. ____________________________________ All checks and drafts and money orders should be made payable to Piedmont Publishing Co. GEO. R. KOESTER, Publisher ---------------------------------------------------------- TUESDAY, DECEMBER 7, 1915. ---------------------------------------------------------- THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.

President Woodrow Wilson is generally apt in speech and clear in expression. His address of today to congress is no exception to this statement. On the contrary, it is marked by strength, simplicity and by that of wording.

As signed by the President, the address is "upon a single theme, the thorough preparation of the nation to care for its own security and to make sure of entire freedom to play the impartial role in this hemisphere and in the world which we [blurry] believe to have been providentially assigned to it." Furthermore as the President declares that is "no thought of any immediate or particular danger arising out of our relations with other nations."

These words, as indeed, the whole address, are tactful, for whilst he earnestly urges the necessity of increasing both army and navy, and of being prepared against aggression, he so intermingles suggestions relating to the affairs and welfare of the nation, that there is no impression created or of alarm or of the necessity of action to meet any novel condition.

The President, however, is clear in his view that large increases should be made in our military and naval forces. In this view he but expresses the public thought and there can be little doubt that congress wil be in accord. There will be differences in detail, but agreement in policy.

Another phase of the address relates to the relations between the other nations of our hemisphere and ourselves. There is a reiteration of the Monroe Doctrine with the declaration that our interest in this doctrine is in behalf of "a common cause of national independence and of political liberty in America." In this view he defends his policy in Mexico and declares that our "purpose is now better understood so far as it concerns ourselves. It is human not to be a selfish purpose. It is known to have in it no thought of taking advantage of any government in this hemisphere or playing its political fortunes for our own benefit." The Piedmont belives that in these expressions he truly represents the national thought though of course there are still remaining some of selfish design.

The president also suggests to congress the necessity of the increase of the revenue of the government so that extraordinary expenses may be met from current income rather than from the issue of bonds. As a means towards increased revenue, suuggestions are made for the increase of income taxes, and for taxes on gasoline, automobiles, bank checks, pig iron and steel. In other words he wisely urges that these [bases?] be distributed so far as possible amongst all classes, stating that "in a country of great industries like this it ought to be easy to distribute that burden of taxation without making them anywhere near too heavily or too exclusively upon any one set of persons or undertakings. What is clear is that the industry of this generation should pay the bills of this generation."

In his conclusion, the President clearly indicates that the thinks a most careful strudy must be made of the trasportation problem with the view of ascertaining whether or not the railroads with their present revenue, can cope with the difficulties confronting them in equipment and construction. There is an evident suggestion that for the present at least there be an arrest of any burdensome requirements of railroads. We believe in this case he has the sympathy of all thoughtful citizens.

There are other subjects referred to by the President which can well be considered in subsequent reviews. Sufficient be it to say that the address as a whole is able and statesmanlike and should be read with care and thought by every citizen. --------------------o-------------------- IS THERE NO VIRTUE LEFT. [cut off]

[column 2]

trial conditions, we may rush into even greater. So it says:

"If a Board of Arbitration.

"In favor of the establishment of a board of arbitration to intervene in disputes between labor and capital in South Carolina there is much to be said and not much to be said against it, provided—

That the constitution of the proposed board be protected from partisan politics.

"To create a board of arbitration and elect is members by primary would make conditions a great deal worse than they are.

"Not even election by the General Assembly or appointment by the governor of members of the proposed board would afford sufficient protection from partisan and selfish influences."

It seems to us unduly distrubed. We do not believe that things have come to such a pass, that the people can not act with intelligence, or that a governor elected by them can not be trusted to make appointments of men of character, or that legislators fresh from the people can not be expected to legislate with care or elect judiciously.

We trust the governor to make other appointments involving the property of the citizens and indeed their very lives. We trust the legislature to elect the judges of our courts to construe and administer the laws. Why is it to be expected that the legislature will so signally fail, when it comes to the appointment of arbitrators, whose duties will be to attempt to adjust differences between employers and employes.

President [Gossels?] of Brogan mills has publicly thanked President Wilson for the services of the federal arbitrators and has expressed to Governor Manning his appreciation of the fairness displayed by the governor's representative, Mr. Thompson.

If the rational arbitrators have done well, if Governor Manning's representative has been impartial, why is it to be arranged that there are not others of like character to be had? The Piedmont believes there is still some virtue in the land, in the people, in the governors and in the legislature. --------------------o-------------------- DOING A PUBLIC SERVICE.

At the request of Capt. Richard F. Watson, the Greenville News yesterday re-published an article written by Hon. Henry A. Page of Aberdeen, North Carolina entitled "Stop Wasting the People's Tax and Bond Money." As said by The News Mr. Page "is one of the foremost good roads advocates of his section—a section which has built and kept good roads at less cost perhaps than any other section of the South."

In attempting to justify the very large bond issue which was proposed in this county for the construction of "permanent roads," it has been stated by members of the Greenville delegation and others that after such roads are constructed there will be no further cause of expenditure. The impression has been conveyed that there is such a thing as a "permanent" road. Mr. Page differs from this view saying, "Any road that does not receive systematic, regular maintenance and inspection from the day it is finished, will suffer damage which cannot be fully repaired, and if this neglect is continued it will soon become worthless." Again says "[blurry?] spend half your available money in construction and invest the other half so as to endow your roads and provide income for upkeep. Or else vote in maintenance tax outright; and I might say that I would never vote a bond issue for roads that did not in some way provide an annual income for maintenance."

How different does all this sound from what had been told by the advocates of the million dollar bond issue. We had been led to believe that if we once built a "permanent" road everyone would be happy for there would be no further taxes. A good road would take care of itself, it was said.

Greenville county certainly needs good roads and Mr. Page points out how these can be obtained and can be maintained cheaply. According to him it is not necessary to have roads so wide as are now being built in some sections of this county. On the contrary, he earnestly urges that roads be not built more than sixteen feet wide. Likewise it is not necessary to spend $10,000.00 a mile to build a few miles. He urges expenditure at a rate of $1,000.00 a mile, so that many miles can be built.

There is room for thought in what Mr. Page writes. He knows what he is writing about. There is also room for thought in the case that had it not been for J. W. Little and those associated with him, Greenville county would now have been burdened with an enormous bond issue which would have been spent in the construction of roads neither suited to our condition nor within our means. Greenville county can have good roads at a comparatively small cost if those charged with the duty of constructing and overseeing them will not confine their efforts to the class of roads suitable to [cut off]

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mont believes the people of Greenville county are thinking, and as suggested by Mr. Watson it would be particularly fortunate if our delegation and road commission give heed to Mr. Page's statements. --------------------o-------------------- ENOUGH.

The Daily Piedmont has been very liberal in furnishing space for the Sabbath-Sunday controversy. It has printed very lengthy communications from people holding divergent views upon this question, which cannot be settled through the columns of this paper.

As the controversy bids fair, like Tennyson's brook to "go on forever," if The Piedmont furnish a channel for it, and as each succeeding contribution to the controversy becomes more voluminous, The Piedmont feels compelled to save its news columns by calling a halt to any continuance of the controversy in the pages of this paper. --------------------o-------------------- If anybody has to read the petition of the suffragists we are sure they would not have cared if another mile or so of the thing had been lost. --------------------o-------------------- Some people said that Wilson made the number thirteen lucky. Now it's up to him to make December brides the custom instead of June ones. --------------------o-------------------- Some of us may be too slow to catch cold, but nearly all are rapid enough to catch more or less thunder in this life. --------------------o-------------------- Cheer up. The twenty-five dollar coat your wife wants for Christmas might be worse. Some women would want an automobile to match it. --------------------o-------------------- Some men are such dudes they wouldn't let their wives sit in their laps for fear of ruining the creases in their trousers. --------------------o-------------------- Some people fool themselves into believing that they love certain friends of whom they are only proud. --------------------o-------------------- You freshmen in college cheer up. Think of all those new senators that were sworn in yesterday, and what they are catching now. --------------------o-------------------- Framed up New Year resolutions yet?"

Scintiliations

We are afraid our friend Henry Ford is going to find that making peace in Europe is a different matter from making automobiles in America, even with our esteemed lieutenant governor to assist him.—Saluda Standard. ----------o---------- Hog killing time is at hand. We hope that every farmer in this section has a sufficient number of hogs to make enough meat to do him until the next winter. No danger of growing too many hogs yet a while.—Kershaw Era. ----------o---------- In other words, Mr. Garrison charges that Mr. Taft has resorted in the use of poisoned gas.—Greensboro News. ----------o---------- They're taking copper off the church roofs in Germany to make shells, and melting up church bells in Russia and Austria for the same purpose. There's nothing sacred any more but the Will to Win.—Anderson Intelligencer. ----------o---------- Ohio has just pulled off a lynching. Chicago Tribune will please take notice.—Houston Post. ----------o---------- T. Roosevelt has requested Nebraska to take his name off that much advertised primary list of possibilities. Teddy evidently desires a more [blurry] launching.—Charleston Post. ----------o---------- Pure religion is the best restraint of crime, while poverty is often a mere deterrent.—Barnwell People. ----------o---------- Demands Protection for American Lives—Headline over a Mexican dispatch. And it's not in the joke column either—Greensboro News. ----------o---------- Taxpayers ought to test expenditure by the permanence of its results—Times-Democrat. ----------o---------- If you want to know how many hours it is until the Christmas holidays, just ask some college boy— Journal and Spartan. ----------o---------- The Greeks bearing gifts may be fearsome, but England would like to be shown.—Greensboro News. ----------o---------- A new dance called the "electric spark" is said to be shocking. Anderson Mail. ----------o---------- Governor Brewer, of Mississippi, we learn is an ardent prohibitionist. Another illustration of what's in a name.—Anderson Mail. ----------o---------- If Tom Watson is "the sage of Thomson," we would certainly like to see the village idiot.—Columbia State. ----------o---------- While everything was running along smoothly toward preparedness up bobbed Dr. Eliot with a new fangled notion about free government.—Greenwood Journal. --------------------o-------------------- Motion.

The Poet—Now I know what is meant by the poetry of motion. These poems are it. [cut off]

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[advertisement for book by Woodrow Wilson, spans cols. 4-5] [photo of Woodrow Wilson] OUR COUNTRY By OUR PRESIDENT A History of the American People By Woodrow Wilson

dent through The McClare Newspaper Syndicate. (Copyright, 1901, 1902, by Harper & Brothers.) (Copyright 1915, by the McClure Newspaper Syndicate.) Special Notice—These articles are protected under the copyright laws which impose a severe penalty for infringement by use either entire or in part. _______________________________________________________________ [headline and article spans cols. 4-5, top section] A Cabinet Change

The "authorization" of federal action by a single State went much beyond the meaning Mr. Madison and Mr. Jefferson had intended the Ressolutions to speak.

They meant only that, in case of an exercise of federal powers by Congress which was obviously, palpably excessive, the methods applied by the constitution itself must be used to check it.

"The ultimate arbiter," as Mr. Jefferson said, as he looked back to these things in his old age and reassessed his principles of action, "the ultimate arbiter is the people of the Union, assembled by their deputies in convention at the call of Congress, or of two-thirds of the States. Let them decide . . . It has been the peculiar wisdom and felicity of our constitution to have provided this peaceable appeal, where that of other nations is at once to force."

Congress must not itself be suffered to determine its own powers unchecked. The Resolutions said nothing explicitly of constitutional method; but they implied much, and rang out very significantly upon the tense air of the time.

Though no other legislature was willing to echo them, men noted their outspoken doctrine of federal limitations and State rights.

The opposition recognized in them a formidable weapon of defense; and no one doubted that it was more than a passing sign of the times that such things should be said.

There underlay all this something deeper than the mere antagonism of party.

Clearly the Federalists had gone too far. The indictment of their enemies seemed proved—they were the party of power, of autocratic power, and not the party of popular privilege.

While the bad impression was in its height, however, a serious rift was disclosed in the counsels of the party itself. Mr. Adams broke with Mr. Hamilton.

He had continued General Washington's cabinet in office upon his own succession to the Presidency; and had thus put himself in the hands of men who looked to Mr. Hamilton, rather than to himself for guidance, though Mr. Hamilton was himself no longer a member of the cabinet.

The President frequently found it necessary to act without their knowledge or assent, in order to act with independence and without embarrassing interference from outside quarters.

He had sent the embassy which concluded peace with France without their knowledge or approbation greatly to their chagrin and to the deep annoyance of Hamilton, whom they

[article continues on column 5, top section]

deemed their party leader. Neither Hamilton nor they had wished peace with France.

At last Mr. Adams found the friction intolerable.

He dismissed his ministers, and substituted others whose unquestioning allegiance to himself he could command, branding the men he dismissed as "a British faction," and so made the breach with Hamilton complete.

Tehre [There] was here something more than a mere breach betweeen men. It was a breach which cut to the very foundations of the party itself.

Hithero Mr. Hamilton had been the real master of the Federalist policy; but he had ruled the party through a minority in the ranks, not by persuasion or any act of popular force, but by sheer mastery over men, a power in counsel, a gift of constructive statesmanship unmatched among his contemporaries.

Mr. Adams disliked most other strongwilled men, and Mr. Hamilton had made himself almost his open enemy; but something deeper than mere personal antagonism separated them.

It was spoken out in Mr. Adams' angry charge that Hamilton and those who adhered to him as their personal chief were nothing better than a "British faction."

It was unjust, it was false, but it was not without foundation. It was but a crude, undiscriminating way of interpreting the plain fact, which Mr. Hamilton made hardly a pretense of concealing—that the men who had hithero led the Federalist party feared democracy, distrusted it with an impendible distrust, believed a strong government necessary, which should be intrusted to men of older traditions of power and of statesmanship received from over sea, deem ed the English government; if stripped of its abuses, the safest model of free institutions, and thought England the only European power worth keeping close friendship with in international dealings.

They had not accounted the ideals of Americans set up at the Revolution; had refused to acquiesce in it as a definite triumph of democracy. They were seeking to perpetuate the ideals of an older world, a more ancient contention of government.

It was their lack of sympathy that the country felt. It was their unwillingness, their inability to act wholly for America in every matter of policy, without regard to their preferences for this alliance or that, that made Admas fling them off as a British faction.

[signature] Woodrow Wilson. TOMORROW Defeat of the Federalists _______________________________________________________________ [return to column 4, bottom section]

Palmetto Press Fake Medicines.

It is rather a reflection on the common sense of lots of Americans that so many fall easy victims to swindlers of various kinds. Official statements show that through advertised fake cures for every ailment under the sun, and through get-rich-quick schemes and many other swindles, not forgetting our old friend—the Spanish prisoner—hundreds of millions of dollars have in the past few years been taken from their gullible owners. A well known showman of former days once said that "Americans like to be humbugged." That, of course, was an exaggeration, but evidently many of them do.—Orangeburg Times. ----------o---------- To the End.

The war in Europe is an unmitigated horror, but it will have to be fought out to the bitter end if peace is to be permanent. Any termination of the conflict that is not dictateed by the combatants themselves would amount to little more than a [truce?] until one or the other felt able to renew the war with the prospect of winning a decisive victory. Since the war has gone to the length it has the neutral nations and peace enthusiasts should be hands off until German kaiser has subjugated Europe or has been utterly crushed. There can be no peace in the world until the issue between imperialism and democracy has been fought out—to a finish.—Watchman and southron. ----------o---------- Beware of Fire.

The recent cool weather which has come upon the people of the South has made them think of their heaters and the fireplaces have been busy for the past few days. The coal man and the wood man have both been busy and the people who have had light[wood?] for sale have found a good market. There have been a few fires in the city, not withstanding the long time we have been without fires, and the carelessness of many both in the builder of fires and caring for the [cut off]

[column 5, bottom section]

What Others Say. The Immigrant's Right to Work.

On the first day of November, the supreme court of the United States decided that a state has no right to forbid the employment of a workman because he is an alien. On the last day of November, the same court decided that a state has the right to forbid the employment of the alien workmen.

The first case concerned the Arizona law, which prohibited the employment of more than a small percentage of aliens for any purpose by any citizen. The court annulled the law, on the ground that it took away the right to earn a living which is implied in the admission of aliens to our country and guaranteed by our foreign treaties. It declared that the state cannot sanction discrimination against aliens by private employers.

The second case involved the New York law, which prohibits the employment of any aliens on public works. In upholding this law, the supreme court apparently rules that the state as an employer can do what its citizens as employers cannot do.

It is rather puzzling to a layman. It's hard to see any difference in the principle of the two problems. There's a practical difference, however. If the state refuses to give an alien work, he can presumably get a job somewhere else, whereas if all private companies refuse him work, he is helpless. But suppose the state should take over all industries, as the socialists urge, and thus become the sole employer? What about the rights of aliens then?—Augusta Chronicle. ----------o---------- Mr. Ford's Peace Party.

Henry Ford's millions have gone to his head. The fact that a man can make a cheap automobile is not necessarily a qualification for becoming a world leader and showing all the belligerents how much pleasanter and cheaper peace is than war. His [blurry] party of pacifists will not be any more successful than Jane Addams and her convention of women. There is nothing that either can tell [cut off]

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VEST POCKET ESSAY The Weather

By GEORGE FITCH Author of "At Good Old S Copyrighted by George Mathew[s]

THE weather is the starting [crank?] of the world's conversation. If there were no weather to talk about, half of us would only be able to converse when we found something to say, and would consequently be dumb a large part of the time.

The weather is what the atmosphere hands to us from day to day. All weather is produced by atmosphere. When the air is clear, we have a fine day, and the fact is mentioned $1,000,000,000,000 times in the conversation. When the atmosphere is curdled, we have clouds and rain which are just as easy to talk about and use up a large vocabulary. When the atmosphere moves swiftly from place to place, we have gales and cyclones and political campaigns. When the atmosphere is heated, to a trifle below the boiling point by the sun, a man will leave his work and walk five blocks in order to lean against a friend in a cool, clinky place and help him say, "Phew!"

The weather accounts for most of the variety in life on this sphere. It is weather which makes a Hottentot content with a suit of clothes which he can fold up and put in his car while bathing, and it is weather which makes the Eskimo eject the polar bear from his warm, furry skin and move in himself to stay continuously until he dies. In England's weather and the wide range of description required to do it justice, which has made the nation the literary center of the world. It is the six months of superheated Texas weather which makes a Texan fight in September at the [wigge?] of a whisker, and it is the celebrated tepid climate of California which enables the native son to reap four crops of tourists a year.

Weather is divided into four seasons in the temperate zone—light overcoat, shirt-sleeves, thicker underwear and ear-tab weather. Weather

[article continues on column 7, top section]

is responsible for a great lionaires, including coal mer[chants], summer resort proprietors, [make-] ers of sneeze cures and thro But it also unmakes a gro rich men, including circus

[political cartoon depicting J. P. Morgan] Mr. J. P.Morgan was small beside the weather

peach growers and chicken Mr. J. P. Morgan was sup[posed to] boss a large part of creation was small potatoes bes[ide the] weather, which exercies a ling influence over baseball, the clothing business, para nice, county fairs and summe[r] It also casts the deciding [vote] many elections and can tie [up the] road system more thoroughly [than a] dozen walking delegates. [On the] whole, weather must be an able thing. We never hear [about] weather in heaven, while hol posed to consist almost en climate.

[column 6 & 7, middle section]

HEALTH TALKS By WILLIAM BRADY "Setting and Knitting"

FROM the title of this item you might imagine it is all about grandma and her habits, but such is not the case. It is about broken bones.

Everybody who has the misfortune to have a bone fractured knows, or thinks he knows, that two things are essential parts of the surgeon's treatment. First, the fracture must be "set," and then it must be held perfectly rigid until the ninth day, when by some mysterious force of Nature's the two or more fragments suddenly seize hold of one another and commence to "knit," or grow together.

No newspaper account of an individual instance of fracture is considered complete without the conventional statement that "Dr. Blank was summoned and reduced the fracture."

As a matter of fact Dr. Blank usually requires anywhere from a few days to two weeks to "set" or reduce the fracture. For instance, in a case of fractured femur (thigh bone) or fractured hip, it is practically impossible to bring the broken ends in contact within a week or ten days, though every effort is put forth by the surgeon to do so. The only way in which such a fracture can be immediately reduced is by cutting down upon the broken bone and wiring or nailing the fragments together. This is a procedure that is being followed more and more frequently these days.

The reason a fractured femur resists "setting" so long is that the great muscels are in a state of continual contraction which cannot be forcibly overcome without the aid of an anesthetic. Steady, gradual pull on the [blurry], however, will finally coax the spasmodic muscles to release the fragments, and so, after a week or more, the broken ends are brought

[article continues on column 7, middle section]

practically in contact.

Meanwhile the process of formation has gone forward [from the] very instant of the injury. [If] there is a blood clot; this slowly ens, "organizes" as doctors comes permeated by newly blood vessels, which carry to the clot. So that, by the facture is really "set," the just beginning to develop so[me carti-] lage, and then new bone.

There is no more "knitting" [after the] ninth or tenth day than on the second or the thirtie[st] we might say that the " of a broken bone is usually a process too.

Splints are commonly supp[lied to] hold broken bones in placde. [With] comparatively few exceptions [they] are employed only to support tissues and keep the muscles while the fragments are Some fractures are better without splints at all. The inspection of broken bones that this is true.

QUESTIONS AND ANSW[ERS]

Cook writes:—I have a varicose ulcer which has ref[used to] heal for eight years. I hav[e tried] everything under the sun, but [noth-] ing does any good; in fact salves irritate it. Now you varicose ulcers can be heale[d. How] can I get mine healed?

Answer—By calling in a go[od up-] to-date doctor, one ho has [had] hospital experience if possib[le] placing yourelf entirely under control. "Salves" will never Your case calls for surgical ment, not guesswork. You p require more or less genera[lly] healing.

Dr. Brady will answer all questions pertaining to health. [If some] question is of general interest it will be answered through these [columns.] If not it will be answered personally if stamped, addressed envelope [is en-] closed. Dr. Brady will not prescribe for individual diagnoses or make di[agnoses.] Address all letters to Dr. William Brady care of The Daily [Piedmont,] Greenville, S. C.

[column 6 & 7, bottom section]

FLASHES OF FUN

He Got There.

The man was reading the front page of the newspaper as he walked across the busy street.

"Gee," he mused, "I'd like to get my name in big type on the front age of a newspaper."

Just then a street car bumped into the man.

He got his name on the front page of the next edition of the paper. But he missed the story. ----------o---------- Told What He Wanted.

The newly arrived citizen from Italy was trying his best to buy a colander, but could not make the clerk understand what he wanted. The clerk showed him several kinds of pans, but at each he shook his head. Finally he got an idea.

"Give-a me dis-n kind," he said; "Ze water go ahead, ze macaroni stop." ----------o---------- Not Exactly Leap Year.

"I like to see a smart, well-educated woman," said young DeSapp, "but I wouldn't marry one who knows more than I do." "Too bad," rejoined Miss Swift. "I'm sorry to hear that you intend to remain a bachelor all your life."—Indianapolis Star. ----------o---------- Explicit.

"Are you of the opinion, Jones," asked a slim-looking man of his companion, "that Dr. Smith's medicine dos any good?"

"Not unless you follow the directions."

"What are the directions?"

"Keep the bottle tightly corked." ----------o---------- Try It Any Way.

"You can't improve on Nature [cut off]

[article continues on column 7, bottom section] ----------o---------- For Immediate Use.

An old Rip Van Winkle of a [man] went into a country drug sto[re and] asked for some powder.

"Face, gun or bug?" ask[ed the] clerk, leaning far over the co[unter.]

"Bug," replied the old man ne'an to mind about wrappin' just blow it on my whiskers. ----------o---------- The Censor's Kindness.

"Have you been reading the news?" "Yes, replied Miss C "And I must say one thing. censors. They have done eve[rything] in human power to spare o ings by making the terrors of [night as] uninteresting as possible.—[Wash-] ington Star. ----------o---------- Advice.

Here's some advice both sound

That you should oft repeat: While love may make the w[orld go] 'round It won't make both ends me[et.] —Cincinnati Enq[uirer]. ----------o---------- Misplaced

Seargent to Tommy (who had run out for the fourth time)— [blurry] do again? You know you [should] never have joined this ar ment, me lad. You ought to joined the flying corps. let you fall out once there!— [blurry] ----------o---------- "Some" Magician.

Buck—Did you know that [woman] was a magician? Luck—No. That's news [to me.] What stunts can she do? Buck—She can make money ear. ----------o----------

Last edit 3 months ago by Harpwench
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Needs Review

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GREENVILLE DAILY PIEDMONT, TUESDAY, DECEMBER 7, 1915. SEVEN

[column 1]

DR. HAHN AGAIN ON THE QUESTION OF THE CHRISTIAN SABBATH ----------o---------- Dr. R. D. Hahn points out That He [fold in paper] That is Debtor to the Law in Part is a Debtor in Whole and That the Observance of the Mosaic Sabbath Would Really Bring the Whole Avalanche of the Mosaic Law on Our Heads. ----------o---------- About two thirds of the present remarks by Dr. Haynes is devoted to me personally, and as I recall that this [blurry]-side play" has been his habit [make?] first, and since in my last article I felt compelled to reply in kind, it appears to be necessary to continue to answer him according to his folly. He claims that my last article was obscure. It may be that I have given him too much credit for intelligence. However, I shall see to it that the reply shall be faithful to his statements and clear to the public. He accuses me of implying that he is a fabricator. I deny it. I did not imply it. I only said and proved it in three separate instances. How sad it is that simple souls like myself are terribly misunderstood.

Majesty a Grace

The extreme modesty of the writer in his present article, must have commanded the attention of the most cursory reader. Modesty in a strong man is a superlative grace, and this modesty stands out in the landscape like Paris mountain. The writer goes ahead like a fire engine, with sounding bell and screaming siren. He hunts giants with a trumpet. There is a structure in Greenville, visible from every point of the horizon, formerly I thought it was a water tower erected at the public expense, but I know now that it is the pronoun, I, built by Dr. Haynes since he arrived in our city. It is a grand and dominating feature of our civic landscape.

Here is the usual challenge to consider what he has done, and I "frankly acknowledge" that he has done considerable. Let us review his achievement with the Scriptures.

Misinformation

His misinformation rivals his knowledge. He has told us that the aposle James wrote an epistle which appeared years after he was killed by Herod Agrippa. He has proved that Moses did not know the ten commandments; for the record in Exodus is verbally different from that in Deuteronomy. He has found a dispute about herbs in Rom. 15:1-6 invented a faction among Hebrews to correct history, and identified the Passover as "undoubtedly" the occasion of the dispute. He has taught that the risen Christ is not lord of the new covenant, because his resurrection was "three days too late" for the establishment of any ordinance. He has cited Lev. 23, and omitted verses 1-8 because it includes among ceremonial feasts the Sabbath as the first item. He has taught, in the face of plain English, that "we observe days and months and seasons and years" refers to all months and years and not all days and deliberately deducts one seventh from calendar time to save his contention. He has declared at one time that Col. 2:17, "is a feast day (yearly sabbath), new moon (monthly sabbath), or a sabbath day'" does not refer to a sabbath day, seventh day, and then he has appealed to this same text to prove that the sabbath was observed at the time. Which statement are we to believe? He found an allusion to the sabbath in Heb. 4:[?], but the subject is the divine rest, "[wich] remaineth for the people of God", "and" we who have belived do enter into that rest." He has read the passage by the ear and not by the sense. Surely Dr. Haynes has done remarkable things, but his resources in that line are not exhausted. He can both interpret and edit Scriptures. The text "Let no man judge you in meat or in drink or in respect of a feast day or a new moon of a sabbath day" he reforms and reads, "let no man judge about the the sabbath," and gravely tells us that it is a plea for liberality. It is the kind of liberality which warns all parties to let the sabbath alone if he is right.

But this review of Dr. Haynes management of Scriptures may be some more of "Dr. Hahn's evasions" and "flimsy" arguments. Here may be another. The elaborate attempt he substitute reaffirmed and restated for retained, and the assignment to me by quotation marks of that idea is not an evasion, perhaps, but then it is something worse.

The Divine Rest.

But let us examine the passages of Scripture of this present article. There can be no doubt that the divine rest is identified with the Mosiac [Mosaic?] sabbath by Dr. Haynes, according to this reference, Gen. 21:1-3; for we read

[article continues on column 2, bottom section]

tion." In a previous article we were told that the sabbath commemorated the divine rest, now it is the same thing. Again the writer stumbles over the explanation of the Epistle to Hebrews (Heb. 8:11-4:11). Sabbath keeping Israel neither in the desert nor the promised land could enter into that rest. Milleniums after, believers are invited into that rest. How can the divine rest be a calendar day, the seventh day of the week? And do believer enter into that rest only once a week?

It is dangerous to agree with Dr. Haynes over about the multiplication tables; for agreement is always an "admission," "concession " or acknowledgement, wrung from the opposition by the [taldon?] in the interest of truth. Col. 1:13-17; John 1:1-3 do prove that our Lord is also the Creator, and they prove that the sabbath is his as well as his Father's, and he exercised His authority over the Mosaic sabbath in heaven and on earth. He gave it, and he rejected the family curse which it contained by Jeremiah and Ezekiel and when on earth did he claim authority over it, "for the son of man is Lord even of the sabbath." The entire passage makes the fact more plain, "And the Pharisees said unto Him Behold why do they on the sabbath day that which is not lawful? And He said unto them, Have ye never read what David did, when he had need and was hungry, he and they that were with him? How he entered into the house of God when Abiather was high priest and ate the shew bread, which is not lawful to eat, save for the priests and gave also to them that were with him? And he said unto them, the sabbath was made for man, and not man for the sabbath; so that the Son of man is Lord even of the sabbath "Mark 2:24-28. He gave the commandment that burdens should not be borne in the sabbath in Jeremiah (17:12) and [unconditionaally] set aside on earth when he healed the impotent man at Bethesda (John 5:8-10). It was his sabbath and he both claimed and exercised control of it. These facts show up on what terms he observed the sabbath. He bound the sabbath, the sabbath did not bind him. He observed it as a king or lord observes his statutes, as subject

[article continues on column 3, middle section]

to be enforcement or reapeal.

Before [Sinia]

That the sabbath "was part of God's moral law before the law was given on [Sinia]" is not proved by the messages refereed to in Ex.16:1-39. The giving of manna occurred less than a month before the Israelites cam to [Sinia], that is not "long". The command is new to them." And he (Moses) said unto them, tomorrow is solemn rest, a holy sabbath unto Jehovah"; "abide ye, every man in his place let no man go out of his place on the seventh day". Furthermore, the sabbath is not given here as part of a moral code but as a distinct ceremonial requirement, which Lev. 23:1-3 asserts is one of "the act feasts" and which character it cannot lose by inincorporating in the ten commandments. And there is no evidence that the rest of the Decalogue. But Gen. 26:5 is cited to prove that the Mosiac institutions, the sabbath in-

(CONTINUED ON PAGE TEN)

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[advertisement for Hobbs-Henderson Store, spans top section of cols. 2-7]

[image of Santa Claus ringing bell] TOYS DOLLS GAMES NOV[cut off]

[headline, spans entire advertisement] OPENING of TOYLAND

[left column] DOLL TRUNKS In various sizes and kinds, cloth and paper bound with real locks and handles, cunning little wardrobe trunks and then trunks with trays and some without trays. The prices range from ............. 25c to $1.25

Big assortments of doll furniture, dressers wash stands, wardrobes, etc.

Biggest variety of mechanical toys to be found in Greenville. Bring the kiddies in to see them.

[right column] REAL WORK BENCHES. Made of Poplar, morticed joints with sliding tool draw, the tools include saw, brace and bit, awl, hammer, hatchet, chisel, etc.

Smallest size 10 inches high by 16 long ........................... $1.98 12 inches high by 18 inches long ..................................... $2.75 Large size bench 15 inches high by 22 inches long ........... $3.60 Extra size work bench made of same material, very [&] strongly built 18 inches high by 26 long ...................... $5.00 ____________________________________________________________ [left column] TRICYCLES. In all sizes and prices. Some with steel wheels, some with rubber tire wheels and nickel plated handle bars and spring seats, these range in price from the steel wheel kind at ................................ $1.98 To the large rubber tire kind at .................... $5.98

Irish Mails built to stand the wear that boys give them, with rubber tire wheels ...................... $3.98

[middle column] [image of toy wagon] PIONEER EXPRESS WAGONS. Heavily constructed, nicely painted. A real practical joy maker for the youngsters. Wide range of sizes priced at from ..................................................... 75c to $1.50

Real rubber tire baby push carts, nicely painted and constructed to stand hard usage ...................... $1.25

Rocking horse with wicker seat, a beauty for .... $5.00

[right column] [image of toy locomotive] TRAINS. Train for the kids with a rail[road] turn of mind.

Trains with track in circular sl[ide?] switch connecting two circles, [ingine] guaranteed [for] six months, tender and two coaches .................... $ [cut off]

Other trains with tracks ranging in price from ......... $ [cut off] to regular railroad system at ................................... $ [cut off] This system has two engines flat cars, tend[er,] caboose and passenger coaches and about th [cut off] feet of track. ____________________________________________________________ [left column] [image of toy piano] UPRIGHT AND BABY GRAND PIANOS in all sizes with corresponding prices The uprights come in sizes 6 to twelve inche[s] in height the prices range from 25c t[o] $1.75

Baby grands in all sizes ranging in price from.................................................... $1.48 to $8.00

Doll Beds large size, made of steel with genuine springs. Folds up ....................................... $1.25

[middle column] [image of christmas tree] BRING the Little Folks to the Great XMAS TOY STORE

ANIMALS. In various kinds, sizes and positions. Cats, dogs, elephants, monkeys, etc. ............................................... 25c to $1.00

Doll Tea Sets, any price or size you may want. 10c, 25c, 35c, 50c, $1.00 and $1.75

[right column] [image of doll] DOLLS! DOLLS! DOLLS! Every conceivable size or kind are here in a wonderful array. Dressed dolls. Undressed dolls, character dolls, rubber dolls. There isn't any kind that you can mention that we haven't.

Dressed dolls ranging in price from the little one at ........................................................... 19c to the mammoth one at ...................................... $4.98

Extra large character dolls at $3.98 and $4.98 .

Undressed jointed dolls covered with kid skin c[cut off] large ...................................................................... $ [cut off] ____________________________________________________________ [image of wreath] GREAT XMAS TOY STORE HOBBS-HENDERSON CO. "The Store That's Always Busy" [image of wreath] GREAT XMAS TOY STORE

[return to column 3, middle section]

STRIKE AT JUDSON MILLS REVIEWED FULLY BY PASTOR. ----------o---------- (CONTINUED FROM PAGE TWO)

I know these mills have employed help before and after my application.

"My son, who is as good a weaver as there was in Judson and who was neither a member of the union nor a striker, applied at several mills and was not given work when he stated he was from Judson. At one mill, when asked what mill he was from, he named the last mill at which he had previously applied for work and was promised a job. Then he stated that he was really from Judson and the job was not given him.

"In The Piedmont of Dec. 3 appeared a statement from President Geer to the effect that he had sought work for the strikers at Judson and had secured places for twelve families and had discontinued this work because he had been informed, he thought reliably, that the strikers did

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not want work elsewhere than at Judson Mill, but that four families had gone to other places.

"On behalf of President J. W. Smith, secretary J. W. Thomas and over nine hundred and sixty-eight people who gave honest work at Judson and are willing to work, I prepared the following questions to President Geer:

"1. At what mills was work secured?

"2. Who was your reliable informant'?

"3. What four families have moved to other mills to take jobs secured for them by you?

"4. At what mills are they working?

"5. Did they not have to promise you or officials of the mills to which they moved that they would not mention the Textile Workers Union to the help?

"6. Have the presidents of mills where you secured promise of work for strikers any more respect for the union than you have shown at Judson?

"7. If so, why do you seek to place 'undesirable' workers in other mills if you do not think them fit to work in your mill?

"8. Have you obeyed the Golden Rule in your treatment of those at your mill who joined the union and are you obeying it in trying to put off on other mills workers you yourself will not employ?

"9. If you have too little confidence in the strikers to employ them in your mill, in what language do you recommend their employment by other mills?

"10. Will you meet a committee appointed by the Textile Union, men who have been church members from one to thirty years, without any charge against them in their churches during those years, and who have never been intoxicated?

"11. If you will not meet such a committee, why not?

"I was asked yesterday by Mr. Smoke Thompson, Governor Mannings personal representative in this effort to settle the trouble at Judson, to present these questions personallly to President Greer. I said that he had made his statement publicly in the

[article continues on column 5, middle section]

paper and I thought the questions ought to be asked the same way.

"Mr. Thompson said he would go and ask Mr. Geer if he would see a committee.

" I told him that there were no such committee in existence but that I would go right out to the mill and have one apponted, but that it could not get to Mr. Geer's office under two hours.

"We went back and asked Mr. Geer would he wait till 3 o'clock to give time for the committee to be appointed and get to his office.

"At Mr. Thompson's suggestion I and J. W. Thomas, secretary of the union who happened to be along, went up to Mr. Geer's office to ask him to wait for a committee. This he refused to do with some profanity, adding nothing would stop him. I told him that we would all stop when death came and that then he would have to face God as the judge of his conduct.

"There are today forty-two families out of work at Judson, who can only do mill work, are are denied work in Judson and cannot get it elsewhere. There are about 200 people there out of fuel and with no food except that given them. What is to become of them? I have given practically my all to help feed and warm these poor people. President Geer and I both profess to worship the same Savior. Suppose we grant that those who joined the union did him an injury, how can he make the prayer that Savior taught men and ask of Our Father in heaven to forgive him his trespassess if he is not willing to forgive those men striving to better their condition what he regards as their trespass against him, and shut his eyes to the sorrow and suffering of women who have no bread or warmth for their little ones when they cry because of cold and hunger? Does President Geer's religion only govern his personal and not his business conditions?"

[columns 6-7, middle section]

[advertisement re: delivery guarantee of Daily Piedmont]

DELIVERY GUARANTEE TO DAILY PIEDMONT SUBSCRIBERS

The Piedmont has completed arrangements wit the WESTERN UNION Telegraph Co.

Whereby the PIEDMONT is able to GUARANTEE DELIVER[Y] EVERY NIGHT to carrier subscribers in all parts of Greenvil[le] and suburbs.

No regular subscriber of the PIEDMONT ever need to miss [a] single copy. If the carrier boy misses you, just call up on t[he] telephone

230

And tell them that your PIEDMONT did not come. That [is] all you need to do. A Western Union messenger boy will rush [a] copy of the Piedmont to you at once. THERE IS NO CHARG[E] FOR THIS SERVICE. It is merely in line with the policy of t[he] PIEDMONT TO SERVE THE PUBLIC AT THE BEST OF IT['S] ABILITY AT ALL TIMES AND IN ALL WAYS THE PIE[D-] MONT PAYS THE BILL.

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Call Daily Piedmont. Phone 230. The business office is op[en] until 7:30 and you complaint will receive prompt attention.

Phone 230

[return to column 1]

[4 panel cartoon, spans bottom of all columns]

"HEEZABOOB," as a Hunter By MORT M. BURGER

[panel 1]

[Heezaboob standing with gun] IT SAYS DEER HUNTING IN SEASON AND JUST LOOK WHAT'S HERE—

[panel 2] [Heezaboob shooting his gun] SOME LUCK FOR A MIGHTY HUNTER LIKE ME—

[panel 3] [Heezaboob slinging deer over shoulder, seen by ranger] I KNEW I'D GET HIM. ONCE IN MY RANGE HE'S A GONNER

[ranger confronting Heezaboob with sign stating Deer Hunting out of season] YOUNG MAN, FOR SHOOTING DEER NOT IN SEASON IT WILL COST YOU $25.

FROM WHERE I STANDING SIGN RED DIFFERENT

Last edit 3 months ago by Harpwench
12031915 13
Needs Review

12031915 13

[across all columns] EIGHT GREENVILLE DAILY PIEDMONT, TUESDAY DECEMBER 7, 1915. Great Democracies Are Not Belligerent; They Do Not Seek or Desire War

[headline, spans tops of cols. 1-3] PRESIDENT WILSON'S MESSAGE

[sub-headline, spans cols. 1-2] Chief Executive Details His Plans For National Preparedness—Disloyalty at Home Denounced—Urgent Need of Our Own Ships.

[column 1]

FOLLOWING is the message of President Wilson delivered at a joint session of the senate and house at the beginning of the Sixty-fourth congress.

Gentlemen of the Congress. Since I last had the privilege of addressing you on the state of the Union the war of nations on the other side of the sea, which had then only begun to disclose its portentous proportions has extended its threatening and sinister scope until it has swept within its flame some portion of every quarter of the globe, no excepting our own hemisphere, has altered the whole face of international affairs, and now presents prospect of reorganization and reconstruction such as statements and epistles have never been called upon to attending before.

Studiously Neurtral.

We have stood apart, studiously neutral. It was our manifest duty to do so. Not only did we have no part or suggest to the policies which seem to have brought the conflict on; it was necessary, if a universal catastrophe was to be avoided, that a limit should be set in the sweep of destructive war and that some part of the great family of nations should keep the processes of peace alive. If only to prevent collective economic ruin and the breakdown throughout the world of the industries by which its populations are fed and sustained. It was manifestly the duty of the self governed nations of the hemisphere to restrain, if possible, the balance of economic loss and confusion to the other, if they could do nothing more. In the day of readjustment and preconception we earnestly hope and believe that they can be of infinite service.

In this neutrality, to which they were bidden not only by their seperate life and their habitual detachment from the politics of Europe, but also by a clear perception of international duty the states of America have become conscious of a new and more vital community of interest and moral partnership in affairs, more clearly conscious of the many common sympathies and interests and duties which bid them stand together.

There was a time in the early days of our own great nation and of the republics fighting their way to independence in Central and South America when the government of the United States looked upon itself as in some sort the guardian of the republics to the South of her as against any other encroachments or efforts at political control from the other side of the water; felt at its duty to play the part even without invitation from them, and I think that we can claim that the task was undertaken with a true and disinterested enthusiasm for the freedom of the Americas and the unmolested self government of her independent peoples. But it was always difficult to maintain such a role without offence to the pride of the peoples whose freedom of action we sought to protect and without provoking serious misconceptions of our motives and every thoughtful man of affairs must welcome the altered circumstances of the new day in whose light we now stand, when there is on claim of guardianship or thought of wards but instead a full and harmonious association as of partners between ourselves and our neighbors in the interest of all America, north and south. Our concern for the independence and prosperity of the states of Central and South America is not altered. We retain unabated the spirit that has inspired us throughout the whole life of our government and which was so frankly put into words by President Monroe. We still mean always to make a common cause of national independence and of political liberty in America. But that purpose is now better understood so far as it concerns ourselves. It is known not to be a selfish purpose. It is known to have in it no thought of taking advantage of any government in this hemisphere or play political fortunes for our own benefit. All the governments of America stand, so far as we are concerned, upon a feeling of genuine equality and unquestioned independence.

Put to the Test in Mexico.

We have been put to the test in the case of Mexico, and we have stood the test. Whether we have benefitted Mexico by the course we have pursued remains to be seen. Her fortunes are in her own hands. Be we have at least proved that we will not take advantage of her in her distress, and undertake to impose upon her an order and government of our own choosing. Liberty is often a fierce and intractable thing, to which no bounds can be set and to which no bounds of a few men's choosing ought ever to be set. Every American who has drunk at the true fountains of principle and tradition must subscribe without reservation to the high doctrine of the Virginia bill of rights, which in the great days in which our government was set up was everywhere amongst us accepted as the creed of free men. That doctrine is, "That government is, or ought to be instituted for the common bene[cut off]

fit, protection, and security of the people, nation, or community"; that "of all the various modes and forms of government, that is the best which is producing the greatest de-

[column 2]

gree of happiness and safety and is most effectually secured against the danger of maladministation, and that when any government shall be found inadequate or contrary to these purposes a majority of the community hath an indubitable, inalieable and indefeasible right to reform, alter or abolish it in such manner as shall be judged most conducive to the public weal". We have unhesitatingly applied that heroic principle to the case of Mexico and now hopefully await the rebirth of the troubled republic, which had so much of which to purge itself and so little sympathy from any outside quarter in the radical but necessary process. We will aid and befriend Mexico, but we will not coerce her, and our course with regard to her ought to be sufficient proof to all America that we seek no political suzerainty or selfish control.

That moral is that the states of America are not hostile rivals, but co-operating friends, and that their growing sense of community or interest, alike in maters political and in matters economic is likely to give them a new significance as factors in international affairs and in the political history of the world. It presents them as in a very deep and true sense a unit in world affairs, spiritual partners, standing together because thinking together, quick with common sympathies and common ideals. Separated they are subject to all the cross currents of the confused politics of a world of hostile rivalries; united in spirit and purpose they cannot be disappointed of their peaceful destiny.

None of the Spirit of Empire

This is pan-Americanism . It has none of the spirit of empire in it. It is the embodiement, the effectual embodiment, of the spirit of law and independence and liberty and mutual service.

A very notable body of men recently met in the city of Washington, at the invitation and as the guests of this government, whose deliberations are likely to looked back to as marking a memorable turning point in the history of America. They were representative spokesmen of the several independent states of this hemisphere and were assembled to disuss the financial and commercial relations of the republics of the two continents which nature and political fortune have so intimately linked together. I earnestly recommend in your perusal the reports of their proceedings and of the actions of their committees. You will get from them, I think, a fresh conception of the ease and intelligence and advantage with which Americans of both continents may draw together in practical cooperation and of what the material foundations of this hopeful partnership of interest must consist, of how we should build them and of how necessary it is that we should hasten their building.

There is, I venture to point out, an especial significance just now attaching to this whole matter of drawing the Americans together in bonds of honorable patriotism and mutual advantage because of the economic readjustments which the world must inevitably witness within the next generation, when peace shall have at last resumed its healthful tasks. In the performance of these tasks I believe the Americas to be destined to play their parts together. I am interested to fix your attention of this prospect now because unless you take it within your view and permit the full significance of it to command you thought, I cannot find the right light in which to set forth the particular matter that lies at the very font of my whole thought as I address you today. I mean national defense.

No one who really comprehends the spirit of the great people for whom we are appointed to speak can fail to perceive that ther passion is for peace, ther genius best displayed in the practice of the arts of peace. Great democracies are not belligerent. They do not seek or desire war. Their thought is labor that supports life and the uncensored thought that quickens it. Conquest and domination are not in our reckoning or agreeable to our principles. But just because we demand unmolested development and the undisturbed government of our own lives upon our own principles of right and liberty, we resent, from whatever, quarter it may come, the aggression we ourselves will not practice. We insist upon security in prosecuting our self chosen lines of national development. We do more than that. We demand it also for others. We do not confine our enthusiasm for individual liberty and free national development to the incidents and movements of affairs which affect only ourselves. We feel it wherever there is a people that tries to walk in these difficult paths of independence and right. From the first we have made common cause with all partisans of liberty on this side of the sea and have deemed it as important that our neighbors should be free from all outside domination as that we ourselves should be, have set American aside as a whole for the uses of independent nations and political freemen. [cut off]

Out of thoughts grow all our policies. We regard war merely as means of asserting the rights of people against aggression. And we are

[column 3]

as fiercely jealous of coercive or dictatorial power within our own nation as of aggression from without. We will not maintain a standing army except for uses which are as necessary in times of peace as in times of war; and we shall always see to it that our military peace establishment is no larger than is actually and continuously needed for the uses of days in which no enemies move against us. But we do believe in a body of free citizens ready and sufficient to take care of themselves and of the governments which they have set up to serve them. In our constitutions themselves we have commanded that "the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed," and our confidence has been that our safety in times of danger would lie in the rising of the nation to take care of itself, as the farmers rose at Lexington.

War Disciplined Might.

But war has never been a mere matter of men and guns. It is a thing of disciplined might. If our citizens are ever to fight effectively upon a sudden summons, they must know how modern fighting is done, and what to do when the summons comes to render themselves immediately available and immediately effective. And the government must be their servant in this matter, must supply them with the training they need to take care of themselves and of it. The military arm of their government, which they will not allow to direct them, they may properly use to serve them and make their independence secure,-and not their own independence merely, but the rights also of those with whom they have made common cause, should they also be put in jeopardy. They must be fitted to play the great role in the world, and particularly in this hemisphere, for which they are qualified by principle and by chastened ambition to play.

It is with these ideals in mind that the plans of the department of war for more adequate national defense were conceived which will be laid before you, and which I urge you to sanction and put into effect as soon as they can be properly scrutinized and discussed. They seem to me the essential first steps, and they seem to me for the present sufficient.

They contemplate an increase of the standing force of the regular army from its present strength of 5,023 officers and 102,985 enlisted men of all services to a strength of 7,136 officers 134,707 enlisted men, or 141,843, all told, all services, rank and file, by the addition of fifty-two companies of coast artillery, fifteen companies of engineers, ten regiments of infantry, four regiments of field artillery and four aero squadrons, besides 750 officers required for a great variety of extra service, especially the all important duty of training the citizen force of which I shall presently speak, 792 noncommissioned officers for service in drill, recruiting and the like, and the necessary quota of enlisted men for the quartermaster corps, the hospital corps, the ordnance department, and other similar auxiliary services. These are the additions necessary to render the army adequate for its present duties, duties which it has to perform not only upon our own continental coasts and borders and at our interior army posts, but also in the Philippines, in the Hawaiian Islands, at the Isthmus, and in Porto Rico.

By way of making the country ready to assert some part of its real power promptly and upon a larger scale should occasion arise, the plan also contemplates supplementing the army by a force of 400,000 disciplined citizens, raised in increments of 133,000 a year throughout a period of three years. This it is proposed to do by a process of enlistment under which the serviceable men of the country would be asked to bind themselves to serve with the colors for purposes of training for short periods throughout three years, and to come to the colors at call at any time throughout an additional "furlough" period of three years. This force of 400,000 men would be provided with personal accoutrements as fast as enlisted and their equipment for the field made ready to be supplied at any time. They would be assembled for training at stated intervals at convenient places in association with suitable units of the regular army. Their period of annual training would not necessarily exceed two months in the year.

It would depend upon the patriotic feeling of the younger men of the country whether they responded to such a call to service or not. It would depend upon the patriotic spirit of the employers of the country whether they made it possible for the younger men in their employ to respond under favorable conditions or not. I, for one do not doubt the patriotic devotion either of our young men or of those who give them employment—those for whose benefit and protection they would in fact enlist. I would look forward to the success of such an experiment with entire confidence.

At least so much by way of preparation for defense seems to me to be absolutely imperative now. We cannot do less.

The programme which will be laid before you by the Secretary of the Navy is similarly conceived. It involves only a shortening of the time within which plans long matured shall be carried out but it does make definite and explicit a programme which has heretofore been only implicit, held in the minds of the [cut off]

Committees on Naval Affairs and disclosed in the debates of the two Houses but nowhere formulated or formally adopted. It seems to me very

[column 4]

clear that it will be to the advantage of the country for the Congress to adopt a comprehensive plan for putting the navy upon a final footing of strength and efficiency and to press that plan to completion within the next five years. We have always looked to the navy of the country as our first and chief line of defense; we have always seen it to be our manifest course of prudence to be strong on the seas. Year by year we have been creating a navy which now ranks very high indeed among the navies of the maritime nations. We should now definitely determine how we shall complete what we have begun, and how soon.

The Navy Program.

The programme to be laid before you contemplates the construction within five years of ten battleships, six battle cruisers, ten scout cruisers, fifty destroyers, fifteen fleet submarines, eighty-five coast submarines, four gunboats, one hospital ship, two ammunition ships, two fuel oil ships, and one repair ship. It is proposed that of this number we shall the first year provide for the construction of two battleships, two battle cruisers, three scout cruisers, fifteen destroyers, five fleet submarines, twenty-five coast submarines, two gunboats, and one hospital ship; the second year two battleships, one scout cruiser, ten destroyers, four fleet submarines, fifteen coast submarines, one gunboat, and one fuel oil ship; the third year two battleships, one battle cruiser, two scout cruisers, five destroyers, two fleet submarines, and fifteen coast submarines; the fourth year two battleships, two battle cruisers, two scout cruisers, ten destroyers, two fleet submarines, fifteen coast submarines, one ammunition ship, and one fuel oil ship; and the fifth year two battleships, one battle cruiser, two scout cruisers, ten destroyers, two fleet submarines, fifteen coast submarines, one gunboat, one ammunition ship, and one repair ship.

The Secretary of the Navy is asking also for the immediate addition to the personnel of the navy of 7,500 sailors, 2,500 apprentice seamen, and 1,500 marines. This increase would be suffiicient to care for the ships which are to be completed within the fiscal year 1917 and also for the number of men which must be put in training to man the ships which will be completed early in 1918. It is also necessary that the number of midshipmen at the Naval academy at Annapolis should be increased by at least 300 in order that the force of officers should be more rapidly added to; and authority is asked to appoint, for engineering duties only, approved graduates of engineering colleges, and for service in the aviation corps a certain number of men taken from civil life.

If this full programme should be carried out we should have built or building in 1921, according to the estimates of survival and standards of classification followed by the General Board of the Department, an effective navy consisting of 27 battleships of the first line, 6 battle cruisers, 25 battleships of the second line, 10 armored cruisers, 13 scout cruisers, 5 first class cruisers, 3 second class cruisers, 10 third class cruisers, 108 destroyers, 18 fleet submarines, 157 coast submarines, 6 monitors, 20 gunboats, 4 supply ships, 15 fuel ships, 4 transports, 3 tenders to torpedo vessels, 8 vessels of special types, and two ammunition ships. This would be a navy fitted to our needs and worthy of our traditions.

But armies and instruments of war are only part of what has to be considered if we are to provide for the supreme matter of national self-sufficiency and security in all its aspects. There are other great matters which will be thrust upon our attention whether we will or not. There is, for example, a very pressing question of trade and shipping involved in this great problem of national adequacy. It is necessary for many weighty reasons of national efficiency and development that we should have a great merchant marine. The great merchant fleet we once used to make us rich, that great body of sturdy sailors who used to carry our flag into every sea, and who were the pride and often the bulwark of the nation, we have almost driven out of existence by inexcusable neglect and indifference and by a hopelessly blind and provincial policy of so called economic protection. It is high time we repaired our mistake and resumed our commercial independence on the seas.

Ships of Peace Needed.

For it is a question of independence. If other nations go to war or seek to hamper each other's commerce, our merchants, it seems, are at their mercy, to do with as they please. We must use their ships, and use them as they determine. We have not ships enough of our own. We cannot handle our own commerce on the seas. Our independence is provincial, and is only on land and within our own borders. We are not likely to be permitted to use even the ships of other nations in rivalry of their own trade, and are without means to extend our commerce even where the doors are wide open and our goods desired. Such a situation is not to be endured. It is of capital importance not only that the United States should be its own carrier on the seas and enjoy the economic independence which only an adequate merchant marine would give it, but also that the American hemisphere as a whole should enjoy a like independence and self-sufficiency, if it is not to be drawn into the tangle of European affairs. Without such independ[cut off] ence the whole question of our political unity and self-determination is very seriously clouded and complicated indeed.

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Moreover, we can develop no true or efective American policy without ships of our own—not ships of war, but ships of peace, carrying goods and carrying much more; creating friendships and rendering indispensable services to all interests on this side the water. They must move constantly back and forth between the Americas. They are the only shuttles that can weave the delicate fabric of sympathy, comprehension, confidence, and mutual dependence in which we wish to clothe our policy of America for Americans.

The task of building up an adequate merchant marine for America private capital must ultimately undertake and achieve, as it has undertaken and achieved every other like task amongst us in the past, with admirable enterprise, intelligence, and vigor; and it seems to me a manifest dictate of wisdom that we should promptly remove every legal obstacle that may stand in the way of this much to be desired revival of our old independence and should facilitate in every possible way the building, purchase, and American registration of ships. But capital cannot accomplish this great task of a sudden. It must embark upon it by degrees, as the opportunities of trade develop. Something must be done at once, done to open routes and develop opportunities where they are as yet undeveloped, done to open the arteries of trade where the currents have not yet learned to run, especially between the two American continents, where they are, singularly enough, yet to be created and quickened, and it is evident that only the government can undertake such beginnings and assume the initial financial risks. When the risk has passed and private capital begins to find its way in sufficient abundance into these new channels, the government may withdraw. But it cannot omit to begin. It should take the first steps, and should take them at once. Our goods must not lie piled up at our ports and stored upon side tracks in freight cars which are daily needed on the roads, must not be left without means of transport to any foreign quarter. We must not await the permission of foreign shipowners and foreign governments to send them where we will.

Government Owned Ships.

With a view to meeting these pressing necessities of our commerce and availing ourselves at the earliest possible moment of the present unparalleled opportunity of linking the two Americas together in bonds of mutual interest and service, an opportunity which may never return again if we miss it now, proposals will be made to the present Congress for the purchase or construction of ships to be owned and directed by the government similar to those made to the last congress, but modified in some essential particulars. I recommend these proposals to you for your prompt acceptance with the more confidence because every month that has elapsed since the former proposals were made has made the necessity for such action more and more manifestly imperative. That need was then foreseen. It is now acutely felt and everywhere realized by those for whom trade is waiting but who can find no conveyance for their goods. I am not so much interested in the particulars of the programme as I am in taking immediate advantage of the great opportunity which awaits us if we will but act in this emergency. In this matter, as in all others, a spirit of common counsel should prevail, and out of it should come an early solution of this pressing problem.

There is another matter which seems to me to be very intimately associated with the question of national safety and preparation for defense. That is our policy towards the Philippines and the people of Porto Rico. Our treatment of them and their attitude towards us are manifestly of the first consequence in the development of our duties in the world and in getting a free hand to perform those duties. We must be free from every unnecessary burden or embarrassment, and there is no better way to be clear of embarrassment than to fulfill our promises and promote the interests of those dependent on us to the utmost. Bills for the alteration and reform of the government of the Philippines and for rendering fuller political justice to the people of Porto Rico were submitted to the Sixtythird congress. They will be submitted also to you. I need not particularize their details. You are most of you already familiar with them. But I do recommend them to your early adoption with the sincere conviction that there are few measures you could adopt which would more serviceably clear the way for the great policies by which we wish to make good, now and always, our right to lead in enterprises of peace and good will and economic and political freedom.

Counting the Cost.

The plans for the armed forces of the nation which I have outlined and for the general policy of adequate preparation for mobilization and defense, involve of course very large additional expenditures of money, expenditures which will considerably exceed the estimated revenues of the government. It is made my duty by law whenever the estimates of expenditure exceed the estimates of revenue, to call the attention of the congress to the fact and suggest any means of meeting the deficiency that it may be wise or possible for me to suggest. I am ready to believe that it would be my duty to do so in any case, and I feel particularly bound to speak of the matter when it appears that the deficiency will arise directly out of the adoption by the congress of measures which I myself urge it to adopt. Allow me, therefore, to speak briefly of the present state of the treasury and of the fiscal problems which the next year will probably disclose.

On the 30th of June last there was an available balance in the general fund of the Treasury Of $104,170,105.78. The total estimated receipts for the year 1916, on the assumption that the emergency revenue measure passed by the last congress will not be extended beyond its present limit, the 31st of December, 1915, and that the present duty of one cent per pound on sugar will be discontinued after the 1st of May, 1916, will be $670,365,500. The balance of June last and these estimated revenues come, therefore, to a grand total of $774,- 535,605.78. The total estimated disbursements for the present fiscal year, including twenty-five millions for the Panama canal, twelve millions for probable deficiency appropriations, and $50,000 for miscellaneous debt redemptions, will be $753,- 891,000, and the balance in the general fund of the treasury will be reduced to $20,644,- 605.78. The emergency revenue act, if continued beyond its present time limitation, would produce, during the half year then remaining, about forty-one millions. The duty of 1 cent per pound on sugar, if continued, would produce during the two months of the fiscal year remaining after the 1st of May, about fifteen millions. These two sums, amounting together to fifty-six millions, if added to the revenues of the second half of the fiscal year, would yield the treasury at the end of the year an available balance Of $76,644,605.78.

The additional revenues required to carry out the programme of military and naval preparation of which I have spoken, would, as at present estimated, be for the fiscal year, 1917, $93,800,000. Those figures, taken with the figures for the present fiscal year which I have already given, disclose our financial problem for the year 1917. Assuming that the taxes imposed by the emergency revenue act and the present duty on sugar are to be discontinued, and that the balance at the close of the present fiscal year will be only $20,644,605.78, that the disbursements for the Panama Canal will again be about [cut off]

twenty-five millions, and that the additional expenditures for the army and navy are authorized by the congress, the deficit in the general fund of the treasury on the 30th of June, 1917, will be nearly two hundred and thirty-five millions.

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To this sum at least $50,000,000 should be added to represent a safe working balance for the treasury, and $12,000,000 to include the usual deficiency estimates in 1917, and these additions would make a total deficit of some $297,000,000. If the present taxes should be continued throughout this year and the next, however, there would be a balance in the treasury of some $76,500,000 at the end of the present fiscal year, and a deficit at the end of the next year of only some $50,000,000, or, reckoning in $62,000,000 for deficiency appropriations and a safe treasury balance at the end of the year, a total deficit of some $112,000,000. The obvious moral of the figures is that it is a plain counsel of prudence to continue all of the present taxes or their equivalents, and confine ourselves to the problem of providing $112,000,000 of new revenue rather than $297,000,000.

Millions of Bonds.

How shall we obtain the new revenue? We are frequently reminded that there are many millions of bonds which the treasury is authorized under existing law to sell to reimburse the sums paid out of current revenues for the construction of the Panama canal, and it is true that bonds for the amount of $222,000,000 are now available for that purpose. Prior to 1913, $134,631,980 of these bonds had actually been sold to recoup the expenditures at the Isthmus, and now constitute a considerable item of the public debt. But I for one do not believe that the people of this country approve of postponing the payment of their bills. Borrowing money is shortsighted finance. It can be justified only when permanent things are to be accomplished which many generations will certainly benefit by and which it seems hardly fair that a single generation should pay for. The objects we are now proposing to spend money for cannot be so classified, except in the sense that everything wisely done may be said to be done in the interest of posterity as well as in our own. It seems to me a clear dictate of prudent statesmanship and frank finance that in what we are now, I hope, about to undertake we should pay as we go. The people of the country are entitled to know just what burdens of taxation they are to carry, and to know from the outset, now. The new bills should be paid by internal taxation.

To what sources, then, shall we turn? This is so peculiarly a question which the gentlemen of the house of representatives are expected under the constitution to propose an answer to that you will hardly expect me to do more than discuss it in very general terms. We should be following an almost universal example of modern governments if we were to draw the greater part or even the whole of the revenues we need from the income taxes. By somewhat lowering the present limits of exemption and the figure at which the surtax shall begin to be imposed, and by increasing, step by step throughout the present graduation, the surtax itself, the income taxes as at present apportioned would yield sums sufficient to balance the books of the treasury at the end of the fiscal year 1917 without anywhere making the burden unreasonably or oppressively heavy. The precise reckonings are fully and accurately set out in the report of the secretary of the T\treasury which will be immediately laid before you.

Tax on Gasoline.

And there are many additional sources of revenue which can justly be resorted to without hampering the industries of the country or putting any too great charge upon individual expenditure. A 1 per cent per gallon on gasoline and naphtha would yield, at the present estimated production, $10,000,000, a tax of 50 cents per horse power on automobiles and internal explosion engines, $15,000,000, a stamp tax on bank cheques, probably $18,- 000,000; a tax of t25 cents per ton on pig iron, $10,000,000, a tax of 25 cents per ton on fabricated iron and steel, probably $10,000,- 000. In a country of great industries like this it ought to be easy to distribute the burdens of taxation without making them anywhere bear too heavily or too exclusively upon any one set of persons or undertakings. What is clear is, that the industry of this generation should pay the bills of this generation.

I have spoken to you today, gentlemen, upon a single theme, the thorough preparation of the nation to care for its own security and to make sure of entire freedom to play the impartial role in this hemisphere and in the world which we all believe to have been providentially assigned to it. I have had in my mind no thought of any immediate or particular danger arising out of our relations with other nations. We are at peace with all the nations of the world, and there is reason to hope that no question in controversy between this and other governments will lead to any serious breach of amicable relations, grave as some differences of attitude and policy have been and may yet turn out to be. I am sorry to say that the gravest threats against our national peace and safety have been uttered within our own borders. There are citizens of the United States, I blush to admit, born under other flags but welcomed under our generous naturalization laws to the full freedom and opportunity of America, who have poured the poison of disloyalty into the very arteries of our national life, who have sought to bring the authority and good name of our Government into contempt, to destroy our industries wherever they thought it effective for their vindictive purposes to strike at them, and to debase our politics to the uses of foreign intrigue. Their number is not great as compared with the whole number of those sturdy hosts by which our nation has been enriched in recent generations out of virile foreign stock, but it is great enough to have brought deep disgrace upon us and to have made it necessary that we should promptly make use of processes of law by which we may be purged of their corrupt distempers.

Disloyalty Denounced.

America never witnessed anything like this before. It never dreamed it possible that men sworn into its own citizenship, men drawn out of great free stocks such as supplied some of the best and strongest elements of that little, but how heroic, nation that in a high day of old staked its very life to free itself from every entanglement that had darkened the fortunes of the older nations and set up a new standard here—that men of such origins and such free choices of allegiance would ever turn in malign reaction against the government and people who bad welcomed and nurtured them and seek to make this proud country once more a hotbed of European passion. A little while ago such a thing would have seemed incredible. Because it was incredible we made no preparation for it. We would have been almost ashamed to prepare for it, as if we were suspicious of ourselves, our own comrades and neighbors! But the ugly and incredible thing has actually come about, and we are without adequate federal laws to deal with it. I urge you to enact such laws at the earliest possible moment and feel that in doing so I am urging you to do nothing less than save the honor and self-respect of the nation. Such creatures of passion, disloyalty, and anarchy must be crushed out. They are not many, but they are infinitely malignant, and the hand of our power should close over them at once. They have formed plots to destroy property, they have entered into conspiracies against the neutrality of the government, they have sought to pry into every confidential transaction of the government in order to serve interests alien to our own. It is possible to deal with these things very effectually. I need not suggest the terms in which they may be dealt with. [cut off]

I wish that it could be said that only a few men, misled by mistaken sentiments of allegiance to the governments under

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which they were born, had been guilty of disturbing the self-possession and misrepresenting the temper and principles of the country during these days of terrible war, when it would seem that every man who was truly an American would instinctively make it his duty and his pride to keep the scales of judgment even and prove himself a partisan of no nation but his own. But it cannot. There are some men among us, and many residents abroad who, though born and bred in the United States and calling themselves Americans, have so forgotten themselves and their honor as citizens as to put their passionate sympathy with one or the other side in the great European conflict above their regard for the peace and dignity of the United States. They also preach and practice disloyalty. No laws, I suppose, can reach corruptions of the mind and heart, but I should not speak of others without also speaking of these and expressing the even deeper humiliation and scorn which every self-possessed and thoughtfully patriotic American must feel when he thinks of them and of the discredit they are daily bringing upon us.

[To?] Mobilize Resources.

While we speak of the preparation of the nation to make sure of her security and her effective power we must not fall into the patent error of supposing that her real strength comes from armaments and mere safeguards of written law. It comes, of course, from her people, their energy, their success in their undertakings, their free opportunity to use the natural resources of our great home land and of the lands outside our continental borders which look to us for protection, for encouragement, and for assistance in their development; from the organization and freedom and vitality of our economic life. The domestic questions which engaged the attention of the last congress are more vital to the nation in this its time of test than at any other time. We cannot adequately make ready for any trial of our strength unless we wisely and promptly direct the force of our laws into these all-important fields of domestic action. A matter which it seems to me we should have very much at heart is the creation of the right instrumentalities by which to mobilize our economic resources in any time of national necessity. I take it for granted that I do not need your authority to call into systematic consultation with the directing officers of the army and navy men of recognized leadership and ability from among our citizens who are thoroughly familiar, for example, with the transportation facilities of the country and therefore competent to advise how they may be coordinated when the need arises, those who can suggest the best way in which to bring about prompt cooperation among the manufacturers of the country, should it be necessary, and those who could assist to bring the technical skill of the country to the aid of the government in the solution of particular problems of defense. I only hope that if I should find it feasible to constitute such an advisory body the congress would be willing to vote the small sum of money that would be needed to defray the expenses that would probably be necessary to give it the clerical and administrative machinery with which to do serviceable work.

For Rural Credits.

What is more important is, that the industries and resources of the country should be available and ready for mobilization. It is the more imperatively necessary, therefore, that we should promptly devise means for doing what we have not yet done—that we should give intelligent federal aid and stimulation to industrial and vocational education, as we have long done in the large field of our agricultural industry; that, at the same time that we safeguard and conserve the natural resources of the country we should put them at the disposal of those who will use them promptly and intelligently, as was sought to be done in the admirable bills submitted to the last congress from its committees on the public lands, bills which I earnestly recommend in principle to your consideration; that we should put into early operation some provision for rural credits which will add to the extensive borrowing facilities already afforded the farmer by the reserve bank act, adequate instrumentalities by which long credits may be obtained on land mortgages; and that we should study more carefully than they have hitherto been studied the right adaptation of our economic arrangements to changing conditions.

Many conditions about which we have repeatedly legislated are being altered from decade to decade, it is evident, under our very eyes, and are likely to change even more rapidly and more radically in the days immediately ahead of us, when peace has returned to the world and the nations of Europe once more take up their tasks of commerce and industry with the energy of those who must bestir themselves to build anew. just what these changes will be no one can certainly foresee or confidently predict. There are no calculable, because no stable, elements in the problem. The most we can do is to make certain that we have the necessary instrumentalities of information constantly at our service so that we may be sure that we know exactly what we are dealing with when we come to act, if it should be necessary to act at all. We must first certainly know what it is that we are seeking to adapt ourselves to. I may ask the privilege of addressing you more at length on this important matter a little later in your session.

Efficiency and Security.

In the meantime may I make this suggestion? The transportation problem is an exceedingly serious and pressing one in this country. There has from time to time of late been reason to fear that our railroads would not much longer be able to cope with it successfully, as at present equipped and coordinated. I suggest that it would be wise to provide for a commission of inquiry to ascertain by a thorough canvass of the whole question whether our laws as at present framed and administered are as serviceable as they might be in the solution of the problem. It is obviously a problem that lies at the very foundation of our efficiency as a people. Such an inquiry ought to draw out every circumstance and opinion worth considering and we need to know all sides of the matter if we mean to do anything in the field of federal legislation.

No one, I am sure, would wish to take any backward step. The regulation of the railways of the country by federal commission has had admirable results and has fully justified the hopes and expectations of those by whom the policy of regulation was originally proposed. The question is not what should we undo. It is whether there is anything else we can do that would supply us with effective means, in the very process of regulation, for bettering the conditions under which the railroads are operated and for making them more useful servants of the country as a whole. It seems to me that it might be the part of wisdom, therefore, before further legislation in this field is attempted, to look at the whole problem of co-ordination and efficiency in the full light of a fresh assessment of circumstance and opinion, as a guide to dealing with the several parts of it.

For what we are seeking now, what in my mind is the single thought of this message, is national efficiency and security. We serve a great nation. We should serve it in the spirit of its peculiar genius. It is the genius of common men for self government, industry, justice, liberty and peace. We should see to it that it lacks no instrument, no facility or [cut off]

vigor of law, to make it sufficient to play its part with energy, safety, and assured success. In this we are no partisans but heralds and prophets of a new age.

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