gcls_campsevier_101

TRENCH AND CAMP

[A series of illustrations run along the left side of the page, the length of the page. The illustration at the top shows a soldier waving two flags in semifore fashion. Below that is a disc in the air (possibly an explosion?), with a soldier carrying a rifle/bayonet, and other soldiers around him. The bottom illustration is of a soldier standing, holding a rifle.]

[headline and text span columns 1 and 2]
TRENCH & CAMP
Published weekly at the National Camps and Cantonments for the soldiers of the
United States.

Room 504, Pulitzer Building
National Headquarters
New York City

JOHN STEWART BRYAN
Chairman of Advisory Board of Co-operating Publishers

Camp and Location Newspaper Publisher
Camp Beauregard, Alexandria, La. ... New Orleans Times Picayune ... D. D. Moore
Camp Bowie, Fort Worth, Texas ... Fort Worth Star Telegram ... Amon C. Carter
Camp Cody, Deming, N. Mex. ... El Paso Herald ... H. D. Slater
Camp Custer, Battle Creek, Mich. ... Battle Creek Enquirer-News ... A. L. Miller
Camp Devens, Ayer, Mass. ... Boston Globe ... Charles H. Taylor, Jr.
Camp Dix, Wrightstown, N. J. ... Trenton Times ... James Kerney
Camp Dodge, Des Moines, Iowa ... Des Moines Register ... Gardner Cowles
Camp Doniphan, Fort Sill, Okla ... Oklahoma City Oklahoman ... E. K. Gaylord
Camp Forrest, Chickamauga, Ga. ... Chattanooga (Tenn.) Times ... H. C. Adler
Camp Fremont, Palo Alto, Cal. ... San Francisco Bulletin ... R. A. Crothers
Camp Funston, Fort Riley, Kan. ... Topeka State Journal ... Frank P. MacLennan
Camp Gordon, Atlanta, Ga. ... Atlanta Constitution ... Clark Howell
Camp Grant, Rockford, Ill. ... The Chicago Daily News ... Victor F. Lawson
Camp Greene, Charlotte, N. C. ... Charlotte Observer ... W. P. Sullivan
Camp Hancock, Augusta, Ga. ... Augusta Herald ... Bowdre Phinizy
Camp Jackson, Columbia, S. C. ... Columbia State ... W. W. Ball
Camp Johnston, Jacksonville, Fla. ... Jacksonville Times-Union ... W. A. Elliott
Camp Kearny, Linda Vista, Cal. ... Los Angeles Times ... Harry Chandler
Camp Lee, Petersburg, Va. ... Richmond News Leader ... John Stewart Bryan
Camp L[illegible] Tacoma, Wash. ... Tacoma Tribune ... F. S. Baker
Camp Lo[gan?] Houston, Texas ... Houston Post ... Gough J. Palmer
Camp Mc[Arth?]ur, Waco, Texas ... Waco Morning News ... Charles E. Marsh
Camp Mc[lella?]n, Anniston, Ala. ... Birmingham (Ala.) News ... Victor H. Hanson
Camp Mead[e?] Admiral, Md. ... Wash., D. C., Evening Star ... Fleming Newbold
Camp Pike, Little Rock, Ark. ... Arkansas Democrat ... Elmer E. Clarke
Camp Sevier, Greenville, S. C. ... Greenville Daily News ... B. H. Peace
Camp Shelby, Hattiesburg, Miss. ... New Orleans Item ... James M. Thomson
Camp Sheridan, Montgomery, Ala. ... Montgomery Advertiser ... C. H. Allen
Camp Zachary Taylor, Louisville, Ky. ... Louisville Courier Journal ... Bruce Haldeman
Camp Travis, San Antonio, Texas ... } San Antonio Light ... Charles S. Diehl
Kelly Field and Camp Stanley ... }
Camp Upton, Yaphank, L. I., N. Y. ... New York World ... Don C. Seitz
Camp Wheeler, Macon, Ga ... Macon Telegraph ... P. T. Anderson

Published under the auspices of the National War Work Council, Y. M. C. A. of the
United States, with the co-operation of the above named publishers and papers.

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"A FIRST CLASS SOLDIER"
BY JAMES M. THOMSON
Publisher of the New Orleans Item

A soldier's work is a man's work.
The best men in America are the men
in uniform. Next to these come the
men who would like to be in uniform,
and generally speaking the men in
America who would not be willing to
don their uniform and take a turn at
it, provided they are fitted for a sol-
dier's work by health, age and train-
ing, are not real Americans and are
not worth very much.

For nearly twenty years I have been
employing other people. I don't be-
lieve that there is one of these men
who would not have been better off
and a better man for a soldier's train-
ing. For military life teaches a man
self respect, it teaches him to take
orders and obey them and thus it fits
him to give orders. The only man I
think of just now who doesn't take
orders and obey some one is the
Kaiser, and if he lives long enough he
will learn. Some folks profess to feel
sorry for the boys who are going into
the service and may have to face bul-
lets [The truth?] of the matter is that
every man who is worth his salt has a
sneaking or open envy of them.

And all of us know that the fellow
who is unwilling to stand up for a
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THE HONOR OF THE AMERICAN ARMY

When that grim old warrior, Gen-
eral Chaffee, led the American troops
in the China campaign, his attention
was called to the fact that certain
of the Allied troops were looting.
Particularly was his attention called
to the fact that astronomical instru-
ments of great value had disappeared
from an observatory.

With all the vigor he could sum-
mon, General Chaffee sent a protest
to the field commander, a German
general. Having been in the field
with the German troops, the Ameri-
can commander probably thought the
direct route was the best, although
military etiquette demanded that the
protest be addressed to the senior of-
ficer present.

It struck General Chaffee that it
was scarcely consistent with the
avowed ideals of the armies of the
great powers that they should permit
their men to pillage. But it was a
new line of reasoning to the Hun com-
mander, who very curtly acknowl-
edged receipt of the protest and de-
manded to know why it had not been
written in German.

Because of the international flavor
to the incident, the authorities in
Washington were compelled to ad-
minister a mild rebuke to General
Chaffee, not because of the stand he
had taken but because his righteous
indignation had led him to such vig-
orous statement. But General Chaf-
fee was rewarded later with the
highest honors that could be be-
stowed by a grateful government, and
among his prized possessions for the
rest of his life was a letter from the
then Vice-President Theodore Roose-
velt telling him that the Republic
would always be grateful to him, not
alone for his achievements but for
what the American soldiers had not
been permitted to do.

When the indemnities were paid,
the American nation showed that it
counted some things far more pre-
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good cause, fight and risk his life, if
need be, is a poor sort of fellow, who
is not fit to hold much of a job any-
where, so we look forward not only to
the time when the men who are secur-
ing the benefit of army training will
be in demand for places of responsi-
bility in civil life, but toward the time
when this training will fit many of
them for taking over the conduct of
the great affairs of the country.

The saying that "success needs no
explanation" is not altogether true;
but it is certainly true that the man in
uniform has no explanation to make
as to how he is serving his country.
Most men who are not in uniform feel
even now that some explanation is
necessary.

In the army as elsewhere there is
bound to be a difference among men.
So a great deal depends on how good
a record a man makes as a soldier. All
of my life I have heard veterans of
the Civil War use the expression in
describing some man "and he was a
first-class soldier." In the years to
come that kind of a recommendation
is going to determine the careers of
hundreds of thousands of the men
who are going to run America. And
that is right. The men who are going
to run this war right can run the coun-
try right.

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cious than money. The amount
awarded to the country was not
placed in the coffers of the nation;
but was held as a trust for the edu-
cation of Chinese students at Amer-
ican universities.

These are two incidents in the mili-
tary history of the United States of
which we, the citizens, have reason
to be proud.

In Flanders another chapter has
been added.

We have gone to the relief of
stricken France. We have pledged
all that we have and are. In ful-
filment of our pledge we have placed
a great army in the country of our
Ally. We have ruined fields by our
military operation; have occupied
houses; have razed forests--all this,
mind you, in behalf of France.

The fields were owned by individ-
ual farmers; so were the houses and
so, too, were the forests. The fields,
the houses and the forests were all
that the French peasants and land-
owners had. If the Hun conquered
they would be swept away.

Going to France's aid in an expe-
dition such as we have undertaken
it might have been reasoned that the
burden of paying for what we seized
would rest upon our Ally. But our
government did not so reason. Gen-
eral Pershing sent to Washington a
request for the passage of legislation
reimbursing everyone whose proper-
ty had been taken. To reinforce his
argument, our Field Commander said
that any action short of this would
make our army suffer by comparison
with the British, which had paid value
for value for everything taken or de-
stroyed.

Action was prompt. The Congress
enacted the needed legislation. But
it is with pardonable pride that we
who are Americans recall that our
action in the China campaign set a
standard recognized and adopted by
the British, that is thoroughly in
keeping with the high aims we have
proclaimed.

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CANTONMENT TYPES
THE KIDDER

A GOOD share of the influences working for the development of high
soldier morale comes from outside the ranks--the officers, the folks
back home, the welfare workers, the pen-wielders--but there's a
sizable collection of influences at work in the ranks themselves. Certain
types of soldiers are as valuable in fostering spirit as ice cream and cake
at mess. One of these types is The Kidder.

Every man in the army has to be more or less a master of this
Tongue-and-brain art. "The Come-back" as a means of self-defense is
rivalled only by the Manly Science itself. Many a man whose fist is No. 1C
and whose shoulders belong to the Ladies and Misses classification is able
to defeat a whole squad or platoon by means of his ready wit. Most sol-
diers would rather take a beating than have to pocket the small end of a
kidding match. The torture, for instance, which many a sergeant has to
undergo when the batteries of josh are turned on him after taps under
secure cover of darkness is unequalled by the rack or the whole works of
the Spanish Inquisition--or even a balling-out by the Primary Loot.

The first-class kidder often degenerates into a bore.

Oftener, he serves as a full portion of pepper, salt and all the other
condiments in his company. When a bird grouses at the weather--bring
on the O. D. Kidder! Let him turn loose all he's got. The complainer
will retire under a cover-fire of grumbles, and ere long his lamp flickers
and goes out. When the Moss Kicker breaks forth, allow the kidder
several seconds.

"G'wan the only Waldorf you ever knew was Bill's Free Lunch or the
Quick-and-Dirty on the corner. Mess! You never had a square meal in
your life till you joined the army." That does the business more effec-
tively than a general order.

The kidder can stop up every alley of complaint quicker than a dec-
laration of peace.

The Conscientious Objector is his pet theme. And the C. O. rarely
loafs in the vicinity of the Company Barbed Wit. The Yellow-livered
specie loves nothing better than an argument but The Kidder is beyond
that. He never argues. He loads his belt with ammunition and shoots
from a sniping post. And like all hyprocrisies, the one of conscientious
objection draws the shortest breaths and gets the least nourishment
from unanwerable, thirty-three degree, heel-and-toe ridicule.

May the kidder be always with us. An army of them would make a
healthy fighting force. And the German is the poorest kidder in the world.
He isn't a sport, and he isn't a kidder. His only wit is cruel. It has to
hurt--draw blood, so to speak--or it doesn't qualify.

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THE GOVERNMENT OF FRANCE
By F. O. BRAMHALL

One especial bond of sympathy be-
tween Americans and Frenchmen lies
in the fact that just as the United
States represents and maintains the
republican idea in the Western Hem-
isphere, so France upholds it in the
Eastern. Yet Americans in France
will soon be struck by differences in
the forms and ways of action in gov-
ernment. Not only will they find un-
familiar titles for familiar things, but
they will occasionally find familiar
names applied to quite different
things.

The President of France, to begin
with, is a very different sort of officer
from the President of the United
States. Although he lives in greater
state and is surrounded with more
ceremony, his actual power is but a
shadow of that of our chief magis-
trate. While the American president
wields the great powers of appoint-
ment to and removal from office, di-
rects and controls the great army of
federal officers, manages according to
his own judgment the foreign affairs
of the nation, and urges upon Con-
gress and the country the policies in
which he personally believes, none of
these things are true of the French
President.

Cabinet Governs Country

It is in France the Cabinet, not the
President, which manages the affairs
of the Republic, and even though ac-
tion is taken in the name of the Presi-
dent, everybody knows that the Cabi-
net is responsible for it. The Pre-
mier is a much more powerful man
than the President.

Nor is the French Cabinet at all
like the American one. It is a group,
of about a dozen men, who are the
leaders of the Chamber of Deputies
(corresponding to our House of Rep-
resentatives) and the Senate, and
who speak for the majority in the
Chamber. The Premier is chosen by
the President because he can speak
for that majority and because they
will follow his leadership; the Pre-
mier chooses the other members of
the Cabinet. They stay in office and
direct the government until the
Chamber of Deputies, by vote, tells
them that it no longer approves their
conduct, whereupon they must all re-
sign and let a new cabinet take their
place. The Cabinet, therefore, is the
center of the French Government;
not, as in United States, a group
which the President may consult but
whose advice he need not follow, but
one which actually wields the power,
subject to the approval of Parlia-
ment.

The Parliament is not unlike our
Congress in its general outlines. The
Chamber of Deputies is composed of
601 members, elected by universal
manhood suffrage, each from a dis-
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CHANGES CONSIDERED

Announcement has been made by
the Quartermaster General that a
number of changes in the uniforms
of enlisted men are under considera-
tion but no changes are contemplated
in the uniforms of officers.

[continued from column 3]
trict of about 100,000 people. All
are elected at once, for a term of four
years. The Senate has 300 members,
chosen in the 87 Departments of
France by electoral colleges, most of
the electors being delegates from the
town or commune councils. The Sen-
ators serve for nine years, and a
third of them go out every three
years.

In the actual working of Parlia-
ment, however, the American will
find many differences from that of
Congress; and those mainly because
France has not two great national
political parties as we have and as
the British have. Instead, we find in
the French Parliament a dozen little
groups, without strong party disci-
pline, forming and dissolving combi-
nations to support or to overthrow
Cabinets. Every Cabinet, conse-
quently, must represent not a single
party but a group of more or less
harmonious ones; and that makes it
necessary for a French Premier to
be a very skillful manager of men
if he is to last very long in office.

Departments Instead of States

Beneath the National Government
with its seat at Paris, there are, of
course, local governments. France
has, however, no States like ours,
with their distinct constitutions
which the central government can-
not encroach upon. They are all cre-
ated by laws passed at Paris, and
they are much more closely directed
and managed, all over France, by
national officers than our local gov-
ernments are.

France is divided into 87 Depart-
ments, each of which is directed by
a Prefect appointed from Paris, with
large powers. Each Department is
divided into four or five Districts or
Arrondissements, and they in turn,
into some eight or nine cantons; but
neither of these plays any large part
in the Frenchman's life.

At the basis of French Govern-
ment, however, stands the most an-
cient of French units of government,
the Commune. The Commune cor-
responds pretty much to our town-
ship. It may be a town or village
or city; it may be purely rural. It
may be a few acres, or many thou-
sand in extent. It may have a hand-
ful of people, or hundreds of thou-
sands. Every one has its mayor and
its communal council, both directly
elected by all male French citizens
over twenty-one years of age, and
each is vested with the powers which
bring government closest home--the
care of health, local orders, morality,
local public works and public utility
services.

It is in the 36,000 French com-
munes that French democracy finds
its most permanent expression.

ORIGIN OF "TANK"

The name "tank" was given to the
mighty British fighting machines be-
cause for secrecy's sake they were
known as "Water Carriers for Meso-
potamia" while being shipped to the
Western theatre of war.