03847A_14214: Watergate: Final Reports of the Select Committee

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16 because both were under the supervision of Hunt and Liddy, (9 Hearings 3663; 1 Hearings 158) and both employed as burglars certain Cuban-Americans recruited by Hunt (1 Hearings 357; Barker Executive Session, May 11, 1973, p. 160-65) Two of the Hunt recruits participated in both burglaries (9 Hearings 363.)

The Committee record clearly shows that Krogh and Young, as directors of the Plumbers, approved the Ellsberg break-in. The documentary evidence, received by the Committee, tends to show that Krogh and Young were acting under the express approval of Ehrlichman. On August 11, 1971, Krogh and Young sent a memorandum to Ehrlichman which included the following report and recommendation: "We have received the CIA preliminary psychology study (copy attached at Tab A) which I must say I am disappointed in and consider very superficial. We will meet tomorrow with the head psychiatrist, Mr. Bernard Malloy, to impress upon him the detail and depth that we expect. We will also make available to him some of the other information we have received from the FBI on Ellsberg. In this connection we would recommend that a covert operation be undertaken to examine all the medical files still held by Ellsberg's psychoanalyst covering the two-year period in which he was undergoing analysis."

Beneath this recommendation by Krogh and Young, were the words "Approve" and "Disapprove," each followed by a blank space The letter "E" was found in the blank space after the word "Approve" and beneath it, in handwriting, was the message "if done under your assurance that it is not traceable." (Exhibit 90, 6 Hearings 2554, 2645).

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17 Ehrlichman testified that the letter "E" and the handwriting beneath it were his (6 Hearings 2546)

Although Ehrlichman testified that his understanding of a "covert operation" did not include a break-in, (6 Hearings 2547), the context of the memorandum which called for such an operation to obtain medical files still held by Ellsberg's psychoanalyst, leave little room to doubt that a break-in or surrepticious entry was under consideration. There was clearly no evidence to support a contention that Dr. Fielding had entered into a secret arrangement voluntarily to provide Hunt and Liddy with Ellsberg's medical files. The documentary evidence also tends to show that Ehrlichman was aware that Hunt and Liddy were in charge of the operation to obtain Ellsberg's medical files from his psychoanalyst. In a memorandum dated August 26, 1971, from David Young to John Ehrlichman, relating to the demeaning of Ellsberg's image by feeding selected information to a Congressional investigation, a footnote makes the following point: "In connection with issue (9), it is important to point out that with the recent article on Ellsberg's lawyer, Boudin, we have already started on a negative press image for Ellsberg. If the present Hunt/Liddy Project # 1 is successful, it will be absolutely essential to have an overall game plan developed for its use in conjunction with the Congressional investigation. In this connection, I believe that the point of Buchanan's memorandum on attacking Ellsberg through the press should be borne in mind; namely, that the situation being attacked is too big to be undermined by planted leaks among the friendly press.

"If there is to be any damaging of Ellsber's image and those associated with him, it will therefore be necessary to fold in the press planting with the Congressional investigation. I mentioned these points to Colson earlier this

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18 week, and his reply was that we should just leave it to him and he would take care of getting the information out. I believe, however, that in order to orchestrate this whole operation we have to be aware of precisely what Colson wants to do.

"Recommendation: That you sign the memorandum to Colson asking him to draw up a game plan (Tab A)." Exhibit 91, 6 Hearings 2650).

"Tab A" was a memorandum from John Ehrlichman to Charles Colson, dated August 27, 1971, a few days prior to the Ellsberg breaking, on the subject, "Hunt/Liddy Special Project #1." This brief memorandum from Ehrlichman to Colson stated: "On the assumption that the proposed undertaking by Hunt and Liddy would be carried out and would be successful, I would appreciate receiving from you by next Wednesday a game plan as to how and when you believe the materials should be used." (Exhibit 91, 6 Hearings 2651).

The only special project that Hunt and Liddy had when these memoranda were written was the covert operation to obtain Ellsberg's medical records from the office of his psychoanalyst. Consequently, the only materials that would be received in the Hunt/Liddy Special Project # 1 was successful, would be Ellsberg's medical records. Moreover, after the breakin, Krogh was given a Presidential appointment as Under-Secretary of Transportation. Ehrlichman did nothing to prevent Krogh from, in effect, being promoted for carrying out the burglary, an action more consistent with Ehrlichman's approval of the burglary rather than Ehrlichman's testimony to the contrary. Thus, the Committee finds it difficult to accept Ehrlichman's claim (6 Hearings 2578) that the Ellsberg breakin was not carried out with his express knowledge and authorization.

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19

These memoranda also tend to negate Ehrlichman's testimony that the Ellsberg breakin was a national security operation. (6 Hearings 2542-43) It is clear from these memoranda and Hunt's later testimony before the Committee (9 Hearings 3666) that the primary purpose of the breakin was to provide basis for damaging Ellsberg's image before the country. Because of the unpopularity of the Vietnamese War, Ellsberg's leak of the Pentagon Papers presented a politically embarrassing problem for the Administration. The political motivation is highlighted in Young's August 26 memorandum to Ehrlichman by a bracketed note connecting Democratic Party leadership with the Ellsberg matter. This interesting note states: "I am sending you a separate Hunt to Colson memorandum which attempts to select the politically damaging material involving the Democratic hierarchy, I personally believe a good deal more material could be developed along these lines. To begin with we have Conein, Lansdale, Harkins, and Nolting who could possibly be called upon to testify. (Exhibit 91, 6 Hearings 2649.)

The Committee can find no legal justification for the Ellsberg breakin based on any national security grounds. */

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20 Caulfield (2 Hearings 786) Magruder had been organizing a special re-election campaign effort since May 1971, when he had received this assignment from Mitchell and Haldeman (2 Hearings 784) Caulfield, a White House investigator who had conducted numerous political investigations, some with Tony Ulasewicz (6 Hearings 2268), wanted to sell Magruder his political intelligence plan, "Project Sandwedge," for use by the Committee to Re-elect the President. (2 Hearings 786) In essence, Sandwedge was to be a private corporation operating like a Republican "Inter-Tel"*/ for the President's re-election campaign. (3 Hearings 924) In addition to normal investigative activities, Sandwedge also included the use of "black bag" and other cover intelligence-gathering capabilities. (3 Hearings 925)

Project Sandwedge had been proposed to the White House by Caulfield in the spring of 1971 (3 Hearings 924) and had not been favorably received by Mitchell or Ehrlichman. (3 Hearings 925) Mitchell also did not approve its use for the Committee to Re-elect the President (4 Hearings 1605) and Magruder was not pressured to accept the plan after the lunch meeting Magruder had with Caulfield and Dean. (2 Hearings 786)

The Hiring of G. Gordon Liddy by the Campaign Committee

With Sandwedge rejected, Dean thought that Magruder was stressing the need for a lawyer to serve as General Counsel for the Committee to Re-elect the President who could also direct an

----- */ Inter-Tel is a private international detective agency.

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